Industry Lawyers Tell Big Food How Not to Get Sued

Cross-posted from Eat, Drink Politics

 

Credit: Ben Sutherland
Credit: Ben Sutherland

 

Earlier this month I attended a conference in Washington DC with the lofty title: “3rd Advanced Regulatory and Compliance Summit on Food & Beverage Marketing & Advertising.” The event’s main sponsor was the law firm of Faegre Baker Daniels, whose numerous mega-corporate food clients include Cargill, Dean Foods, and Nestlé. In addition, the firm represents (under the heading of “crop protection“) Big Biotech players such as Bayer, Dow, and DuPont. The presenters were almost all industry lawyers, with a few government types. Not one member of the plaintiffs bar or anyone from a public interest organization was a speaker, and it seemed most of the audience was also from industry.

 

In all fairness, I think it’s a good thing for defense lawyers to share information and best practices about how food companies can and should comply with the law. Adhering to laws and regulations, as feeble as those rules can be, is a good thing and corporations should strive for it. And I am happy to report that’s what most of this meeting was about: to help food companies (in legalese) “mitigate risk,” as opposed to how to get away with skirting the law.

 

For example, in a session called “Minimizing the Risk of Deceptive Health Claims Post-POM Wonderful” an attorney with the Federal Trade Commission tried to explain what sort of “substantiation” a food company would need to back up any health claims. (POM Wonderful has been embroiled in quite a fight with the feds over its exaggerated claims.)

 

A similar presentation was called “How to Use Clinical Studies, Data, and Results without Violating FTC Regulations: A Case Study on Omega-3 Claims.” You see, the feds are OK with making certain types of health claims on food products as long as you can back it up with actual science. Just how strong the research needs to be however, was never made very clear. When I tried to ask one government lawyer, What if the science is funded by industry?, the answer was also unsatisfactory: that might be considered as a factor but not a disqualifying one. Generally the feds like to consider these matters on a case by case basis.

 

The most unbalanced and frustrating panel was called: “Maintaining the Delicate Balance of Marketing to Children‚ Obesity and the Integrity of your Product.” The main speaker was Elaine Kolish, director of the Children’s Food & Beverage Advertising Initiative, a fancy name for the food industry’s sad excuse for voluntary self-regulation. Numerous groups have criticized CFBAI for its ridiculously generous nutrition guidelines and self-serving loopholes.

 

But to hear Kolish tell it, CFBAI was the best way to protect children, far better than government regulation. She claimed that all by itself, industry “has created robust rules, and changed them twice” and that “in a five-year period, self-regulation has done more than government.” Of course it has, because that same industry lobbied like hell to stop government from doing its job in setting better guidelines. Throughout her presentation, which at times bordered on shrill, Kolish showed her utter disdain for the feds, along with numerous public interest groups. She disparaged Center for Science in the Public Interest, saying they engaged in “litigation by press release.” She also attacked other groups including the Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood and Berkeley Media Studies Group for daring to complain about food industry exploitation of children.

 

Now reasonable people can disagree on this controversial topic and I realize I was attending an industry-friendly meeting, but Kolish said several things that should not have gone unchallenged. For example, she misrepresented the current science on how marketing to children is deceptive. If someone from the other side had been on that panel, the audience would have heard a far more balanced take. It was in fact a disservice to the industry representatives in the room to downplay the issue. I had this feeling at numerous other times during the event: that including a public interest perspective would have allowed for a more nuanced and stimulating discussion.

 

Another notable presentation was called “Update on State Food Labeling Laws: How GMO Labeling Initiatives Impact your Business Strategies.” Obviously industry is very concerned about the growing movement to label genetically-engineered foods. This panel was a good overview of current efforts, and mentioned several advocacy groups, including Food Democracy Now! for its role in the state bills. (Unlike Ms. Kolish, the speakers on this panel  – both with the sponsoring law firm – were factual and respectful.) It was interesting, though not surprising, to see how much industry lawyers were staying on top of advocacy efforts.

 

Finally, as would be expected, there were several presentations on the current threat of private class action litigation over deceptive food marketing claims, some offering tips on how to defend against such lawsuits. (I recently wrote about this trend in class actions.) The “natural” cases were clearly a huge concern. One attorney in the audience suggested food makers stop using natural labeling at all, which was very sound advice and refreshing to hear. Also discussed was emerging case law in which judges are deferring to FDA ruling on whether or not “natural” labels should be allowed on products containing genetically-engineered ingredients. But no one in the room expected FDA to do so anytime soon.

 

Over the three-day event, I had several constructive conversations with food industry attorneys who really don’t want their clients to get into legal trouble. But it was also clear that their good advice can sometimes come into conflict with the marketing department. So next time you see a food product making a deceptive claim, it’s probably either because the company received bad legal advice, or the marketers overruled the lawyers.

Federal Trade Commission Plans Pay-For-Delay Crackdown in Wake of Supreme Court Ruling

Now that the Supreme Court has ruled on FTC v. Actavis, the Federal Trade Commission is ramping up scrutiny of pay-for-delay deals and will pursue antitrust charges not only for new cases, but also those that “still have delay in effect”.  In a hearing at the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition and Consumer Rights, FTC Chairwoman Edith Ramirez called the pay-for-delay issue “one of the Commission’s top priorities” and said the Commission “remains united today in its determination to end these illegal pay-for-delay agreements.”

Car Industry Chiefs Urged to Give Latin America Safer Vehicles

The Global New Car Assessment Programme (Global NCAP) is a newly established non-profit organization which aims to encourage the worldwide availability of independent consumer information about the safety of motor vehicles. Its chairman Max Mosley has urged CEOs at Renault-Nissan, General Motors and Suzuki to apply the UN’s minimum crash safety standards to their global passenger car production. New crash test results have indicated that popular cars sold by the manufacturers in Latin America pose an unacceptably high risk of death or injury in the event of a crash.

A Bagful of Cash: How the U.S. Chamber of Commerce Orchestrated a Corporate Takeover of Government

Cross posted from shutthechamber.org

Source: OpenSecrets.org
Dollar amounts, in millions, spent by the US Chamber on influencing congressional outcomes between 1998 and 2013. Source: OpenSecrets.org

A new report by Shut the Chamber, a group leading a campaign to educate and organize communities across the country to fight the Chamber of Commerce on a national and state-by-state level describes the history and goals of the Chamber:

 

The US Chamber of Commerce– a 101 year-old organization formed as corporations’ first union—is the chief agent behind Congress’ kowtowing to corporate interests, the Supreme Court’s favorability to corporations in its rulings, and presidents of both parties’ insistence on accommodating the wishes of multinational corporations at the expense of working-class people all over the world. This report outlines how the Chamber first formed, their blueprint for ultimate success as revealed in the confidential Powell Memo, how that blueprint has been realized in the 40 years since its writing, and the devastating effects of that agenda on small business. Despite the US Chamber purporting to be pro-jobs, pro-small business, and pro-growth, they have consistently lobbied for policies that kill jobs, stall economic growth, and take competitive advantages away from small businesses to enrich their corporate members. The Chamber of Commerce’s unchecked power over government will only continue to worsen unless the American people build a movement to mobilize against them.

Minimum Unit Price for Alcohol Proposal Shelved

Health groups have strongly condemned the government for last week’s decision to shelve minimum unit pricing for alcohol and substitute a series of measures to curb excessive drinking that they say will not work. They warn that more lives will now be lost, reports the Guardian. The Alcohol Health Alliance (AHA) accused the government of buckling to pressure from the drink industry, which has fiercely opposed minimum pricing – a measure which is supported by doctors, children’s charities, pub landlords and the police.

Bain Capital Buys British Blood Bank

Bain Capital, the private equity firm branded a “job destroyer” in the US presidential elections, has bought a majority stake in the state-owned blood products firm Plasma Resources UK, reports the Guardian.   Lord Owen, a former Labour health minister in the 1970s, who created a service to make the UK self-sufficient in blood supplies, said it was “hard to conceive of a worse outcome” than the £200m sale of an 80% stake in the Hertfordshire-based company to private equity. The Department of Health will retain a 20% share in the business.

Promoting Health for All and Social Justice in the Era of Global Capitalism: A call to action by the People’s Health Movement

Last month, activists from the People’s Health Movement met during the WHO 8th Global Conference on Health Promotion in Helsinki, Finland to critique the official Conference Statement and develop a progressive call for action based on strong social justice principles. The draft below reflects their deliberation and is being circulated for further comment and debate.  Below is that statement, with sections that pertain to the impact of corporate practices on health marked in bold.  Please send comments to globalsecretariat@phmovement.org.

 

source

 

We wish to support the progress on Health Promotion and Health in All Policies and call for actions toward health for all. We note the nature of the contemporary economic and social order as follows:

  • sustainable development is in crisis, with neoliberalism, consumerism and individualism over‐riding the values of community and international solidarity;
  • the crises of finance, food and climate change deny hundreds of millions of people the right to decent employment, social protection, food security, livable communities, housing, water, sanitation and all the social determinants of health;
  • conflict and violence, rooted in gross inequalities and corporate greed, plague households, communities, cities and regions and blight millions of lives;
  • together with entrenched poverty, these factors contribute to large‐scale migration to cities and across national borders; in many cases migrants and refugees are discriminated against and denied their human rights; and
  • inequalities in income and wealth within and between countries, and resultant health inequity, are growing rapidly, with complex roots in the dominant global capitalist regime that functions via unbridled competition, obscene greed and undemocratic governance at national and international levels.

 

As a consequence there is rising popular demand for governments to fulfill their obligations to guarantee social protections and to commit to a sustainable model of societal well‐being that is based on equity, human rights and social justice and that emphasises “good living” (buen vivir) as opposed to unquestioned economic growth.

 

We underline the urgency of required actions by WHO and its member States on key areas identified in the Declaration by Public Interest Civil Society Organisations and Social Movements at the World Conference on the Social Determinants of Health, held in Rio de Janeiro in October 2011; and we urge participants to refer to that document

 

We applaud the leadership of WHO Director General Dr. Margaret Chan in condemning the economic power of large industries, including food, tobacco, soda and alcohol, and their destructive impact on the health of people around the globe: “In the view of WHO, the formulation of health policies must be protected from distortion by commercial or vested interests,” whose tactics “include front groups, lobbies, promises of self‐regulation, lawsuits, and industry‐funded research that confuses the evidence and keeps the public in doubt.”

 

Building on Dr. Chan’s position, we hold that the translation of capitalist values into political power is overwhelmingly responsible for the inequalities in health faced by poor and marginalized peoples. We note further that speakers and discussants in this Conference have highlighted the link between the “Health for All” Declaration of Alma Ata in 1978 and the unfinished agenda of health promotion, stemming from the Ottawa Declaration of 1986. We support the calls in this conference for a ‘whole‐of‐government’ approach that includes Health in All Policies, a social justice framework in monitoring and evaluation of health policies, and the health‐related human rights that promote health for all.

 

We believe, however, that the Helsinki Statement does not sufficiently translate the analysis of the determinants of health inequities and poor health into specific actions which address the unfair economic system which underpins health inequities. We issue the following call to action, recognising that this entails both short and long term political struggle for social justice:

 

1. That Health in All Policies be established as a high priority within the WHO so as to enable it to work across sectors and in particular where there are conflicting interests and priorities, such as trade and investment policies.

 

2. That member states strengthen WHO’s leadership role in health to enable it to legitimately guide the work by all international and multilateral institutions, particularly in the UN system and in the World Bank, World Trade Organization and International Monetary Fund.

 

3. That WHO resolve conflicts of interest arising from voluntary budgetary contributions that bias its own work toward transnational corporate (especially pharmaceutical, agriculture, chemical, food, alcohol, soda, military and extractive industries) positions and perspectives, over public health by instituting a rigorous regime of binding regulations; this must involve scaling up assessed contributions so that WHO’s governing bodies are in charge of their own budget.

 

4. That member States that govern global bodies, including the UN, World Bank, World Trade

Organization, International Monetary Fund and similar institutions, democratize governance of

those bodies, in order to rebalance social considerations alongside the economic and political

conditions that shape population health.

 

5. That governments and international institutions regulate financial, commercial, labour, and resource depletion and contamination practices, including elimination of tax evasion, to ensure sustainable health, environmental and social well‐being, including worker protection; and to respect, protect and fulfill health equity and health‐related human rights.

 

6. That all governments– regional, national and sub‐national – adopt and evaluate the Health in All Policies approach, led by the head of government and supported by the health and other ministries, in order to eliminate the policy incoherence that undermines population health and exacerbates health inequities and be accountable for doing this.

 

7. That governments, with the support of public interest civil society, ensure participation in policymaking and processes related to Health in All Policies, through community‐led, democratic processes based on equitable gender, racial, and religious/cultural, and social class representation that shape priorities, policies and decisions to ensure accountability in all levels of governance.

 

8. That WHO and governments respond to the watching, monitoring and evaluation by public interest civil society with actions directed at reducing health inequities and achieving health for all.

 

9. That WHO implement and be accountable for equity‐based, publicly provided and publicly financed systems for social protection and health that address the social, political, economic, environmental and behavioural determinants of health with a particular focus on reducing health inequities.

 

10. That governments implement and enforce progressive income taxes, fair corporate taxes, wealth, taxes and the elimination of tax evasion including appropriate international tax mechanisms to control global speculation, to finance action on the social determinants of health, and further explore and utilise innovative financing, such as financial transaction taxes, so as to finance health in all policies and social determinants of health initiatives.

 

11. That governments and international bodies regulate finance capital, reduce its dominance of the global economy and protect health and social well‐being from financial crises.

 

12. That governments, WHO, and other UN organisations utilise impact assessments on health, wellbeing and environment to document the ways in which unregulated and unaccountable transnational corporations and financial institutions constitute barriers to Health for All.

 

13. That governments and the WTO ensure that health considerations are a top priority in the negotiation of international trade and investment agreements.

 

14. That donors remove conditionalities for development assistance for health, and thereby recognize aid as part of an equal partnership among countries of varied income levels under human rights principles.

 

15. That all Health in All Policies efforts work to mitigate climate change, resource depletion and contamination, and other environment health concerns that are crucial to human health.

 

16. That governments and the World Trade Organization change the mechanisms through which the present intellectual property regime promotes the interests and profits of TNCs and the countries which benefit from their exports; and facilitate the worldwide development and equitable sharing of expertise, technologies and scientific data as global public goods.

 

17. Implement fully the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) and develop other international treaties that promote good health and address the social determinants of health, such as access to essential medicines and regulation of the baby food, alcohol and food industry, as well as work with the ILO to ensure decent working conditions and standards across the world.

Cigarette Packaging in the UK: the Corporate Smokescreen

It’s a victory for the hidden persuaders, the astroturfers, sock puppets, purchased scholars and corporate moles, writes George Monbiot in the Guardian.  On Friday the British government announced that it will not oblige tobacco companies to sell cigarettes in plain packaging. How did it happen? The public was overwhelmingly in favour. The evidence that plain packets will discourage young people from smoking is powerful. But it fell victim to a lobbying campaign that was anything but plainly packaged.

Firearms Industry Sues Connecticut

The Connecticut Mirror reports that the National Shooting Sports Foundation, a firearms industry trade group, filed a federal lawsuit accusing the Connecticut  General Assembly of bypassing normal legislative procedures in passing its emergency-certified gun violence reduction bill. NSSF is based in Newtown near the elementary school where 20 children and six educators were shot to death on December 14.

Nutrition Standards Won’t Fix Big Food’s Worst Child Marketing Tactics

Cross Posted from Corporate Accountability International

 

source
Source: Corporate Accountability International

Last month, I participated in an important panel at a childhood obesity conference to discuss the current strategy backed by some advocacy groups: asking industry to market “healthier” foods to children. But as Susan Linn and I recently argued, any marketing to children is harmful, regardless of the product’s nutritional content.

Instead of begging corporations to tweak the grams of sugar, fat and salt that these highly processed junk foods contain, we should demand that industry stop exploiting children altogether. Some advocates argue this approach is too radical. But it’s actually far more practical and ultimately more effective because of certain key tactics that industry uses to target children.

 

You can’t put nutrition standards on a clown

 

A nutrition standards approach to marketing to children fails to address the powerful and ubiquitous marketing strategy of branding. When Ronald McDonald goes into elementary schools or anywhere else he may roam, he (in the words of McDonald’s own CEO) “does not hawk food.” Problem solved, right? Except that the very purpose of using Ronald as a brand ambassador is to get children to associate fun and happy times with McDonald’s. This technique is so effective that young children prefer the taste of food wrapped with the McDonald’s logo. This is true even for food McDonald’s doesn’t sell. Here is how researchers described it: “Our findings add to past research by demonstrating that specific branding can alter young children’s taste preferences.” That’s powerful stuff.

 

Another study of 3-to-5-year-old children found that McDonald’s was the most recognized brand, followed by other fast food and soda brands. (The children were shown 50 different brands across 16 product categories.) These researchers seemed surprised that even very young children could recognize brands, “at a much earlier age than previously theorized.”

 

Branding is a key strategy for every corporation trying to build lifelong brand loyalty among impressionable children. They know the key to getting more consumers hooked on their products is to target children as young as possible. There is simply no way to apply nutrition standards to branding.

 

Stealth ads on the internet don’t have nutrient content

 

Another critical way that food corporations such as McDonald’s target children is through “advergaming” websites. For example, you hardly see any food images on HappyMeal.com, just a lot of fun and games. So improving nutrition standards won’t work there either. Moreover, the name of the game for such sites is to gather information about users, which in this case are unsuspecting children. That’s why the Center for Digital Democracy filed a complaint last year with the Federal Trade Commission charging that McDonald’s and several other food and media corporations violated the Children’s Online Privacy Protection Act by asking children to share their friends’ email addresses. But as Adweek explained, McDonald’s engages in even more aggressive tactics:

 

McDonald’s website for Happy Meals goes a step further, inviting children to make a music video by uploading their pictures and encouraging them to share the video with up to four friends, who then receive an email from McDonald’s: “You’ve been tagged for fun by a friend! Check it out! It’s a Star in Video at the McDonald’s Happy Meal Website.”

 

That Happy Meals contain apple slices and milk seems rather irrelevant when you consider how low this corporation will stoop to exploit children. According to McDonald’s internet privacy policy (almost a year after this complaint was filed) the company still encourages children to share friends’ names and email addresses but assures us that such information is deleted after McDonald’s contacts the friend. That’s a relief.

 

Most importantly, research suggests that this sort of stealth advertising can be more effective than traditional television commercials because children are less aware of online ads, probably because they are too busy having fun. According to a report from the Kaiser Family Foundation:

 

From a marketer’s perspective, one of the potential advantages of an “advergame” is the ability to draw attention to your brand in a playful way, and for an extended period of time (at least relative to a 30-second television ad) … On the Internet, the boundaries between advertising and other content may be harder for a child to distinguish. This medium does not have the natural breaks between commercial and non-commercial content which typify television.

 

That could help explain why the most recent federal government report on food marketing to children suggested that corporations were shifting their advertising spending from television to “new media” such as online, mobile and viral marketing, which are also relatively inexpensive. 

 

An incremental approach to end food marketing to children

 

Some advocates contend that tweaking the nutritional content of foods marketed to children is a good approach because it’s incremental, while stopping marketing altogether is asking for too much. But why must this be the only way to engage in incrementalism? I can think of many incremental alternative solutions to the nutrition approach to food marketing to children. The possibilities are truly endless, starting with the above examples of branding and internet targeting.

 

Let’s take branding. Even if McDonald’s won’t agree to Corporate Accountability International’s demand to Retire Ronald, there are plenty of smaller steps the fast food giant could take right now. For example, Ronald could stop visiting grade schools. I would consider that a pretty huge victory; far better than the addition of apple slices and milk to Happy Meals. Or Ronald’s image could stop appearing on children’s toys. Speaking of toys, McDonald’s could stop including them in Happy Meals. As could other fast food chains like Burger King, which is now promoting its “BK Crown Activity Box” with various toy tie-ins. Imagine, parents buying food for the food, not the toys.

 

These and many other incremental steps the food industry could take to stop targeting children have the advantage of not being dependent on nutrition standards that industry gets to define and manipulate. It’s also far easier to monitor and enforce a policy such as “no advergaming” than one based on grams of salt, sugar and fat. But most importantly, marketing to children is inherently deceptive and harmful and we should demand corporations stop engaging in this unethical behavior. Because that’s the right thing to do.