Corporations, the Public’s Health and Astroturf

Understanding the influence of corporations on the public’s health today requires increasingly sophisticated skills for decoding propaganda as deep-pocketed corporations turn to astroturfing to influence health policy. The public relations strategy known as “astroturfing,” is a form of corporate-driven, top-down advocacy that is disguised to look like bottom-up, grassroots community activism.

In the U.S., the energy in public health is focused around regulating food and beverages with high-fructose corn syrup. In case this controversy has passed you by, high-fructose corn syrup is an extremely common additive to foods and beverages that damages health in a variety of ways.

Manufacturers are keen to leave it in products because for palates accustomed to it, it can be tasty and addictive, so it increases purchases and profits for food companies. Borrowing from effective strategies in the fight against tobacco, some public health advocates want to discourage the consumption of high-fructose corn syrup by making it cost more. This effort is sometimes referred to by the shorthand “soda tax.” Several initiatives have been proposed to establish a soda tax to alleviate budget shortfalls and to help pay for health care reform. Not surprisingly, food and beverage manufacturers see this as an attack on their bottom-line and are lobbying hard against any and all soda tax initiatives.

In the Internet era of easily disguised URL’s and no gatekeepers to vet what gets published, this kind of disinformation is harder to detect than ever. I’ve written here before about “cloaked websites” – websites that intentionally disguise authorship in order to put forward a political agenda – and these are a central tool of corporate propaganda in the digital era, including the battle around the soda tax. For example, the URL “www.nofoodtaxes.com” will take you to this site:

At first glance, it looks like a grassroots movement of everyday people concerned about “big government” and the “difficulty of feeding a family in today’s economy.”  The link in the middle (“watch our tv ad!”) takes you to a slickly produced television commercial that aired in heavy rotation on stations in New York State where a soda tax was proposed. In the ad, a “concerned mother” posing as just a concerned citizen, talks directly to the camera and engages her assumed audience in a shared sense of outrage at the intrusion of big government imposing more taxes on hard-working families.

In fact, “Americans Against Food Taxes” is a cloaked site and is part of a front group funded and organized by the American Beverage Association, to protect industry interests. However, it can be very difficult to tell what’s a front group. The text on this website says that Americans Against Food Taxes is a “coalition of concerned citizens – responsible individuals, financially strapped families, small and large businesses in communities across the country” who opposed a government-proposed tax on food and beverages, including soda, juice drinks, and flavored milks. However, the real membership is the world’s largest food and soft drink manufacturers and distributors, including the Coca-Cola Company, Dr. Pepper-Royal Crown Bottling Co., PepsiCo, Canada Dry Bottling Co. of New York, the Can Manufacturers Institute, 7-Eleven Convenience Stores, and Yum! Brands.

Corporations that have a negative impact on the public’s health are especially adept at this sort of strategy.

In some ways, these sorts of propaganda efforts are not new. Going back to 1995, the tobacco giant Philip Morris hired PR Firm Burson-Martsteller to create “The National Smokers Alliance,” an early astroturf group. The purpose of the group was to stop Federal legislation intended to curb smoking by young people, a policy change that would have improved the public’s health by reducing tobacco-related deaths, and it would have hurt Philip Morris’ bottom line by reducing the number of future smokers. In this pre-Internet astroturf campaign, Burson-Martseller organized mailings and ran a phone-bank urging people to call or write to politicians expressing their opposition to the federal law.

The National Smokers Alliance continued its efforts against any legislation that would prevent new teen smokers through the late 1990s. In 1998, the group added television ads with a 1-800 number to call to its arsenal of techniques, along with phone-banking and mailing. According to The New York Times, “Those smokers who are reached by phone banks sponsored by cigarette makers, or who call the 800 number shown in television ads, are patched through to the senator of their choice.” Since then, public health advocates have managed to win major victories over big tobacco in the realm of popular opinion in the United States, yet many of these stealth marketing tactics continue unabated in other countries.

So, how do people concerned about the public’s health – or, even their own personal health – make sense of all this? How do we parse top-down, corporate propaganda from actual bottom-up, community-led efforts at activism?

On the one hand, it can be a difficult task. Some argue that astroturf is just another form of organizing. As one strategist accused of astroturfing against health care reform writes in a 2009 New York Times op-ed, “Organizing isn’t cheating. Doing everything in your power to get your people to show up is basic politics. If they believe what they’re saying, no matter who helped organize them, they’re citizens and activists.” This kind of sophistry, “it’s not astroturf, it’s just organizing,” is a common argument made by those trying to defend such tactics.

On the other hand, it’s not all that difficult to parse propaganda from facts if you ask two questions about the information we encounter online (or anywhere, really): 1) where is this information coming from? and 2) who stands to benefit from this information?

If the answers to both those questions are “a giant corporation,” chances are it’s astroturf. The chances are also good that it’s bad for the public’s health.

Chevron in Ecuador: Corporate Propaganda, New Media Activism and Environmental Health

The lawsuit against U.S. oil giant Chevron brought by indigenous people in Ecuador’s Amazon can tell us a great deal about corporate propaganda, new forms of media activism – both good and bad – and the consequences these have for environmental health. It also offers important lessons for activists seeking changes in other sectors.

First, a little background in case you’re not familiar with the case. Ecuadorean indigenous people said Texaco dumped more than 18 billion gallons (68 billion litres) of toxic materials into the unlined pits and rivers between 1972 and 1992, and that these activities had destroyed large areas of rainforest and also led to an increased risk of cancer among the local population. In 2001, Chevron acquired Texaco. The current trial began in 2003 when a U.S. appeals court ruled that the case should be heard in Ecuador.

A number of studies have attempted to quantify the health impact of the oil giant’s operations in Ecuador. Epidemiological surveys have confirmed what people in the area know from their own experience: rates of cancer, including mouth, stomach and uterine cancer, are elevated in areas where there is oil contamination. A court-appointed independent expert in the trial estimated that Chevron is responsible for 1401 excess cancer deaths.

The latest news in the case is that in February, 2011 a court in Ecuador ordered Chevron to pay more than $8.6 billion in damages ruling in favor of the 30,000 indigenous people represented by the suit. However, Chevron has vowed to appeal the ruling, meaning that the long-running case dating from drilling in the South American nation during the 1970s and 1980s could last for years.

True to its word to fight the judgment at each step, just before the historic judgment lawyers for Chevron convinced a U.S. District Court in New York to stop enforcement of the anticipated order. The judge granted the order preventing enforcement, and the case remains in legal limbo.

Big Money is at Stake

Make no mistake, the judgment in Ecuador means big money is at stake. The lawyer representing the indigenous Ecuadoran people, Steve Donzinger, has won a monumental victory. The judgment against Chevron is on the all-time roster of environmental recoveries. If it were ever collected — which remains uncertain — it would rank second only to BP’s promised $20 billion fund to compensate victims of the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill.

Assuming a scenario in which Chevron is ordered to pay the maximum penalty, the reduction in cash would decrease its equity value and, according to one estimate, drop the stock price from $104 to down about $99.

Multimedia Battle Over “Truth”: Chevron’s vs. Environmental Activists’

With all this money at stake, it means that Chevron is pushing a no-holds-barred, multimedia assault to advance its version of the story. It’s a wide ranging effort across several different platforms. The campaign started, as most things do these days, with Google, moved to TV-news magazine shows and YouTube, touched documentary filmmaking, and circled back around to a very effective counter-attack by some very clever new media activists.

Google Ad Buy

The first line of battle for any activist these days is the Internet. And, originally, environmental activists were winning the battle of Google. If you searched using the words “Chevron in Ecuador” back in 2003, the first result would be a website created by Amazon Watch, an environmental activist group that blames “Chevron’s negligence” for injuries and deaths in the country.

Today, you can still find the sites of environmental activists in Google search returns, but now when people do Google searches for “Chevron” and “Ecuador,” paid links to those sites appear at the top of the screen, like this one for “The Amazon Post”.

Note the tag line for the ad, “Scheme to Defraud U.S. Company Exposed,” makes no overt mention of Chevron. Yet, once you click on the link, you’ll find a site clearly from the perspective of the oil giant, “The Amazon Post: Chevron’s views and opinions on the Ecuador lawsuit.” They also have sponsored ads at the top of each page of results for searches using the terms “Chevron” and “Ecuador.” It’s difficult to know exactly how much Chevron has spent on their Google Ad buy, but it’s safe to say that it’s far more than the environmental groups like Amazon Watch can afford.

It’s also fairly easy to avoid these kinds of attempts at corporate propaganda, at least for most relatively savvy web users. Chevron’s next attempt at influencing public opinion is more difficult to discern.

Dueling TV News Magazine Segments

In May, 2009 the CBS news magazine show “60 Minutes,” produced a segment called “Amazon Crude” about the Chevron case, it seemed the tide of public opinion might be turning against the third largest corporation in the U.S. The report detailed the environmental damage done to the Amazon region and the devastating health consequences for the people living there.

Chevron fought back in a rather remarkable media move. It hired a former CNN journalist, Gene Randall, to produce a similar, but favorable to Chevron, news-magazine-style-story, which the company then posted to YouTube and advertised heavily via Google. The video “report” for Chevron may be unprecedented for how it blurs the line between public relations and journalism. At least one analyst wondered whether this propagandist counter-news-production raises the specter of whether of a surge of newly out-of-work journalists who might be tempted to go “over to the dark side” and further muddy the line between news and corporate advocacy.

Digital video released over the Internet has continued to be a site of political battles over the environmental justice issue of the Amazon region. Activists from the group Amazon Defense Coalition have continued to release videos documenting Chevron’s toxic legacy in the Ecuadoran rainforest, as in this video which reportedly offers “devastating proof of Chevron toxic pits in Ecuador.” While the video is compelling, it’s hard to imagine what would be considered sufficient “proof” in the face of Chevron’s aggressive campaign of corporate disinformation about the environmental damage in Ecuador.

Following the “60 Minutes” segment and the faux-reporting corporate piece and counter volleys of online digital video, media activism against Chevron’s toxic practices shifted to documentary filmmaking. Predictably, Chevron was once again on the assault.

Chevron vs. Joe Berlinger, Documentary Filmmaker

The well-received documentary “Crude,” released in 2009, helped renew the public outcry over oil pollution in the Amazon. The filmmaker Joe Berlinger spent several years following key players in the multibillion-dollar class-action lawsuit filed in Ecuador against Chevron. Ultimately, Berlinger was forced to fight his own battle against Chevron’s lawyers.

Berlinger obtained astonishing access to the private strategy sessions of the lawyers suing Chevron, and Chevron used that access against Berlinger. Attorneys for the oil company filed a lawsuit against Berlinger, demanding access to all of his unedited footage that he shot for the documentary. U.S. Judge Lewis Kaplan ruled in favor of Chevron and ordered Berlinger to turn over all 600 hours of footage he shot for the film. Chevron’s lawyers argued that they needed the tape to help stop the Ecuadorian lawsuit and related criminal prosecutions. Berlinger, along with many others, says the ruling is deep blow to the long-recognized journalistic privileges of documentary filmmakers. The ruling came in May, 2010 and has been largelyupheld by a court of appeals over the following months. It can be seen as a cautionary tale for lawyers who invite in documentary filmmakers to tell the story of their legal fights.

Chevron vs. YesMen: Astroturf vs. “Identity Correction”

In late-in-the-game PR move that some might regard as signaling a recognition of defeat, Chevron launched their “We Agree” campaign.

The campaign featured a Facebook “Like” button in the top, right-hand corner. The people photographed are uniformly attractive and lightly demographically diverse, with earnest expressions near polished, graphically designed signs that say things that are vaguely liberal, like “Oil Companies Should Put their Profits to Good Use,” “Oil Companies Need to Get Real,” and “Fighting AIDS Should be Corporate Policy.” These sentiments are all displayed under a Chevron corporate-branded website with the heading, “We Agree.” So, we’re good right? We can put that whole messy business in the Amazon is behind us, can’t we?

While some people might have been persuaded by Chevron’s “We Agree” campaign (they had 146 Facebook “Likes” at last count) not everyone was so moved.

The anti-corporate activists The Yes Men launched one of their “identity correction” campaigns in direct opposition to Chevron’s “We Agree” campaign. The Yes Men are the activists and performance artists who have spoofed the World Trade Organization among others (and are featured in the documentary “The Yes Men Fix the World“). The Yes Men saw the Chevron “We Agree” campaign as something of a challenge.

At almost the same time, the Yes Men together with Rainforest Action Network and Amazon Watch, put up their own, satirical website, which could easily fool web surfing neophytes.

The satirical site carries much of the same graphic design, logo, branding and imagery – but the language and text of the ads is much more pointed. Instead of “Oil Companies Need to Get Real,” the YesMen site reads, “Oil Companies Should Clean Up their Messes,” clearly implicating Chevron in the environmental disaster in the Amazon.

The YesMen site also includes download-able posters of their graphic arts messaging should anyone decide they wanted to spread the message of Chevron’s corporate environmental irresponsibility to a wider audience. The timing and effectiveness of the satirical site quickly became a PR-disaster for Chevron which reportedly spent $50 million dollars on the fake grassroots “We Agree” campaign. The YesMen followed up the success of this campaign with another soon afterward, the “Chevron Thinks We’re Stupid,” which quickly went viral.

What does this tell us?

There are several lessons to take away from the Chevron case. First, large oil companies routinely put profits over peoples’ health and above concerns about the environment. Furthermore, corporations will go to great lengths to use the media to manipulate the truth about what they’ve done in the service of profits and at the expense of human lives, health and the environment.

The other set of lessons the Chevron case has for health activists is that the site of political activism around environmental health has shifted. The location of struggle and protest is less often in the streets and more often in a battle over URLs, graphic user interface, and Google PageRank. The political battle over whose version of the truth prevails in media forms long considered journalistic, such as documentary filmmaking, are now under assault by large corporations. In the wake of last year’s Supreme Court decision in favor of Citizens United (see Citizens United: A First Anniversary Update) there are likely to be more such corporate victories over independent media in the courts.

In many respects, the lawsuit against Chevron brought by indigenous people in Ecuador’s Amazon is a harbinger of things to come in corporate propaganda. We can expect more use of new forms of media activism, both the nefarious corporate manifestations such as Google ads for “The Amazon Report” and the lawsuit against Joe Berlinger, as well as the more democratic efforts of activists such as TheYesMen. The impact on environmental health depends at least in part on which of these strategies is most effective. 

For more information on Jessie Daniels, please visit our Contributing Writers page. 

 

Photo Credits:

1.     ChevronToxico: Campaign for Justice in Ecuador

2.     Google

3.     Chevron

4.     The Yes Men

Youth-Involved Street Survey of Health Enhancing and Health Damaging Messages in Disparate Urban Neighborhoods Using Digital Technology

Neighborhood environments can both promote health (Ewing 2005) and encourage disease (Satterthwaite 1993). Differences in presence of health enhancing and health damaging messages and environments may account for some differences in health among neighborhoods with different socioeconomic and racial/ethnic characteristics (Kipke et al. 2007; Macdonald, Cummins, and Macintyre 2007; Pasch et al. 2007; Snyder et al. 2006; Stafford and Marmot 2003). In this pilot study, our hypothesis is that health-enhancing messages are more prevalent in wealthier neighborhoods and health damaging ones more prevalent in economically impoverished neighborhoods.   For the purposes of this pilot study, we define “health enhancing” messages as messages which promote the consumption of whole grains, fresh fruit and vegetables, low fat dairy and meats or public health service advertisements (e.g., a smoking cessation ad) and “health damaging” as advertisements for alcohol, tobacco and high fat, low nutrient foods.  In preparation for a larger scale study, our goal here was to test a methodology for comparing such messages across communities with differing sociodemographic and environmental characteristics


Disparate Urban Neighborhoods: Upper East Side, East Harlem

To carry out this study, we involved youth researchers in measuring the health enhancing and health damaging messages in two, disparate urban neighborhoods: the affluent and predominantly white Upper East Side of Manhattan, and the neighboring but economically impoverished and predominantly Black and Latino East Harlem. Lexington Avenue, a major thoroughfare, runs through both neighborhoods.    The youth researchers worked in two phases measuring health enhancing and health damaging messages along Lexington Avenue in the two neighborhoods.  The first phase included a class of thirty-three Hunter College undergraduate students; the second phase, a smaller group of three high-school-aged students recruited from Global Kids, a community-based youth organization.   In each phase, the youth surveyed ten block segments of Lexington Avenue in the two neighborhoods.

Using Digital Technology to Measure Health Enhancing and Health Damaging Messages

Researchers at Hunter College partnered with the Fund for the City of New York (FCNY), a nonprofit research and policy group, to modify their ComNET software to measure health enhancing or damaging messages.  FCNY developed the ComNET software to document problems in the urban environment and engage community members in notifying the responsible municipal agencies to address those problems in the urban environment.  ComNET is designed for use on handheld digital devices, equipped with digital cameras.  The use of ComNET and digital technology made this project possible and offered a number of advantages.

First, the handheld devices serve as an important incentive for the engaging the youth.  Young people, most of whom have grown up immersed in digital technologies, quickly learn how to manipulate the devices and yet still see them as fun, innovative “toys.”    It would be much more difficult to engage youth in this research without the use of digital technology.   Second, the ability to quickly upload the data and have it almost immediately available for data cleaning and analysis is an invaluable asset of working with the ComNET software.   The decade-long development of the technology by FCNY and the infrastructure that they have in place to ensure the smooth functioning of the devices, upload, cleaning and analysis of the data, provided a strong foundation for the methodology used here and obviated the research group from investing time and money in developing such a technology.

Findings

The hypothesis that health enhancing messages are more prevalent in better off neighborhoods and health damaging ones more prevalent in poorer neighborhoods appears to be supported by the data from our pilot study. Table and Figure 1 shows that in the 10-block segment our project surveyed, the percentage of health harming ads in East Harlem is 29% greater than in the Upper East Side.  East Harlem also contains nearly 10% fewer health promoting ads than does the Upper East Side.  Both neighborhoods have a higher concentration of health harming than health promoting advertisements.  Tables 2 and 3 illustrate that tobacco and alcohol advertisements are more prevalent in East Harlem than in the Upper East Side where health-harming ads tend to be food-related.

For access to charts/graphs, please access pdf here

Limitations 

The findings here are necessarily limited because this was a pilot study.  First, the sample size (ten block segments measured by two groups) was too small to confidently generalize to all urban areas, all New York City, or even the two neighborhoods studied here.   Further limitations include some challenges with digital technology.  The ComNET software is very effective at measuring some types of problems in the urban environment, but needs further modification to accurately and efficiently measure health enhancing and health damaging messages. Specifically, the addition of a feature that would allow for multiple features for one entry would speed up the process considerably. The limitations of this admittedly small and suggestive pilot study can be addressed in a larger and more systematic follow-up study.

Conclusion

New York City neighborhoods of East Harlem and the Upper East Side represent stark disparities in income, racial composition and health outcomes.  This pilot study examined one aspect of the disparities between these neighborhoods that may contribute to unequal health outcomes: health promoting and health damaging messages.   In general, we found that East Harlem has more ads (of all kinds), more health harming ads, and fewer health-promoting ads than the Upper East Side.     And, we also found that both neighborhoods have more health harming ads than health promoting.   While the presence of health damaging ads cannot account for all the negative health outcomes in a particular urban neighborhood, the disproportionate display of the health damaging ads in East Harlem as compared to the Upper East Side, suggests that some New York City residents bear a greater burden of these messages.  The disparity in the types of health ads that city residents in different neighborhoods are exposed to is a subject that demands further study.  In addition, our pilot study demonstrates that young people can be engaged in studies to document the health characteristics of their communities, an activity that can be a first step in analysis of differences in health and action to reduce inequities in health.

References

Ewing, R. 2005. Building environment to promote health. J Epidemiol Community Health 59 (7):536-7.

Kipke, M.D., E. Iverson, D. Moore, C. Booker, V. Ruelas, A.L. Peters, and F. Kaufman. 2007. Food and park environments: neighborhood-level risks for childhood obesity in East Los Angeles. J Adolesc Health 40 (4):325-33.

Macdonald, L., S. Cummins, and S. Macintyre. 2007. Neighbourhood fast food environment and area deprivation-substitution or concentration? Appetite 29 (1):251-4.

Pasch, K.E. , K.A.  Komro, C.L. Perry, M.O.  Hearst, and K. Farbakhsh. 2007. Outdoor alcohol advertising near schools: what does it advertise and how is it related to intentions and use of alcohol among young adolescents? . J Stud Alcohol Drugs68 (4):587-96.

Satterthwaite, D. 1993. The impact on health of urban environments. Environ Urban 5 (2):87-111.

Snyder, L. , F.  Milici, M.  Slater, H.  Sun, and Y. Strizhakova. 2006. Effects of alcohol exposure on youth drinking. Archives of pediatrics and adolescent medicine 160 (1):18-24.

Stafford, M., and M. Marmot. 2003. Neighbourhood deprivation and health: does it affect us all equally? Int J Epidemiol 32 (3):357-66.

 

For more information on this study contact Jessie Daniels at jdaniels@hunter.cuny.edu

Assessing the Health Implications of the Supreme Court Decision on Corporate Campaign Contributions

The Supreme Court’s ruling in January extends the right of political speech to corporations, providing companies with a significant new advantage in their efforts to sway public opinion. In this commentary, media scholar Jessie Daniels analyzes the public health implications of “cloaked websites,” which she predicts will become an increasingly powerful tool for corporations as a result of the Court’s decision.

The Supreme Court’s 5-4 ruling in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission struck down laws that banned corporations from using their own money to support or oppose candidates for public office. In overturning previously established precedents, the Supreme Court’s decision means that the government may not ban political spending by corporations in candidate elections.


Perhaps the most stunning portion of the ruling is the high court’s expansion of the Constitution’s First Amendment right to protection of political speech to include corporations, further extending to corporate entities the rights of individual persons. The Court had previously offered some First Amendment protection to commercial speech (Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, 1976). However, the new ruling extends this protection to corporate political speech, providing corporations with a new and significant advantage in their efforts to sway public opinion through the use of media. The court’s decision also has serious implications for the ways corporations influence health, and it may not be only in the ways that CHW readers might expect.

The Citizens United case is fundamentally about corporate propaganda and, in the wake of this decision, we should be braced to see lots more corporate propaganda. The case began when a right-wing conservative “non-profit corporation,” Citizens United, made a 90-minute documentary-style film, called “Hillary: The Movie,” that was extremely critical of Hillary Rodham Clinton. The film coincided with Clinton’s run for president in 2008 and Citizens United wanted to air ads for the anti-Clinton film and distribute it through video-on-demand services on local cable systems during the 2008 Democratic primary campaign. However, federal courts said that the film “looked and sounded like a long campaign ad,” and therefore should be regulated like one. Citizens United advertised “Hillary: The Movie” on the Internet, sold it on DVD, and screened it in a few theaters. Campaign regulations do not apply to DVDs, theaters, or the Internet. The Court first heard arguments in March, then asked for another round of arguments about whether corporations should be treated differently from individuals when it comes to campaign spending. Ultimately, the Court decided that corporations – whether for-profit or not-for-profit – had a right to exercise “free speech” under the First Amendment.

This decision, as lots of folks have pointed out already, is disastrous in a number of ways. For example, Lainie Rutkow and her colleagues at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health observed in a recent commentary in the New England Journal of Medicine:

“The Court has effectively opened the floodgates to give corporations unprecedented influence over the election of people who determine health policy.”

What I want to call attention to here is effort by for-profit corporations to use their influence in the sphere of public opinion, “values,” and health.

It’s not new that corporations want to influence campaigns, elections, and legislation. For example, this excellent visual display of data at the Good Guide shows which companies have donated to which political parties.

More recently, soda companies like Coke and Pepsi have spent millions to defeat legislative proposals to tax sugar-sweetened beverages, a measure many public health researchers believe could reduce rising rates of obesity. In New York State, for example, the beverage industry has so far spent $3 million to defeat the state soda tax. This legislation is still pending in Albany, but odds are likely that the beverage industry will win out over public health advocates.

What’s new is the Supreme Court’s extension of “free speech” rights to corporations, which may expand corporate attempts to influence not only political campaigns and legislation, but also the wider spectrum of “values.” And, taking the Citizens United case as archetypal, corporations will increasingly be using multimedia in these efforts. We already see this in play in a number of campaigns currently active.

You’ve probably seen the billboards with admirable people’s faces on them and touting some value associated with them. Liz Murray, for instance, who famously went from “homeless to Harvard” is featured on a billboard with this tagline, and then the value associated with it: “Ambition.” Beneath that, the text reads, “Pass it On.” The billboards are sponsored by something called “The Foundation for a Better Life,” which is in fact, a private foundation owned by Philip F. Anschutz. Anschutz is the billionaire co-founder of Qwest Communications, among the largest land-owners in Colorado, a major player in the oil, railroad, and media markets, and according to Forbes, he is the 33rd wealthiest man in America. He also has major investments in sports teams (such as several soccer teams, the LA Lakers, and the LA Kings), stadiums, and newspapers (San Francisco Examiner and the SF Independent). Anschutz is also an active funder of the Republican party, and has donated huge sums to James Dobson’s archly conservative group, “Focus on the Family.” But, you wouldn’t know that Anschutz was sponsoring these ads unless you looked hard for that information because it’s intentionally disguised. “The Foundation for a Better Life” wants to influence people’s values without disclosing their political affiliations or goals.

In many ways, this campaign is similar to the phenomenon I’ve identified as “cloaked websites.” Cloaked websites are published by individuals or groups who conceal authorship in order to deliberately disguise a hidden political agenda. In this way, these sites are similar to previous versions of print media propaganda, such as “black,” “white” and “grey” propaganda. Cloaked sites can include a variety of political agendas. For instance, some cloaked sites, such as http://www.whitehouse.org or http://www.youthforvolpe.ca, are intended as political satire.

Cloaked websites can have very real consequences for health as they can be cloaked to conceal a hidden political agenda connected to reproductive politics, such as http://www.teenbreaks.com, which appears to be a reproductive health website. In fact, the website is a disguise for pro-life propaganda, much like brick-and-mortar “Women’s Health Clinics” which conceal the fact that staff are pro-life counselors who intend to prevent women from choosing abortions. (For more information on cloaked websites, see this recent peer-reviewed article: “Cloaked websites: propaganda, cyber-racism and epistemology in the digital era,” New Media & Society 2009 11: 659-683).

While some news analysts have remarked that the recent Supreme Court decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission is going to result in senators with branded logos on their lapels – or foreheads – I think this is doubtful. Instead, I think that what we’re going to see is an increase in the more subtle and sophisticated corporate branding and, along with this, many more efforts to influence “values” around issues that relate to health.

One such example is a campaign known as “The Responsibility Project” sponsored by Liberty Mutual, a global insurance conglomerate. Unlike the Anschutz-funded billboards, which hide their sponsorship, The Responsibility Project is widely advertised as supported by Liberty Mutual. Launched in January 2008, the Liberty Mutual “Responsibility Project” campaign is heavily advertised on radio and in print, a strategy intended to drive traffic to the website, which includes films from television stars talking about “responsibility,” and a blog that addresses and frames a series of controversial issues and elicits comments from users. The “About” page at their website explains at least part of their intention:

Why Responsibility?

What Does It Mean? Why Is It Important?

As an insurance company, we like responsible people. Because people who believe in doing the right thing don’t just make better people, they make better customers. But the idea of responsibility can be difficult to define. What does it mean? Why is it important? These aren’t questions that can be easily addressed or agreed upon. There are a lot of differing opinions and beliefs involved. And while we may never uncover any definitive answers, we believe the questions are still worth asking.

How It Began

In 2006, Liberty Mutual created a TV commercial about people doing things for strangers. The response was overwhelming. We received thousands of positive emails and letters from people all over the country commenting on the ads. We thought, if one TV spot can get people thinking and talking about responsibility, imagine what could happen if we went a step further? So we created a series of short films, and this website, as an exploration of what it means to do the right thing.

Of course, it makes sense that “As an insurance company, we like responsible people,” if the definition of “responsible people” is meant to include those that don’t file insurance claims. The more “responsible people” who pay their insurance premiums but never file claims, the more profitable Liberty Mutual is. So, they have a vested economic interest in defining the terms of “responsibility” in a variety of areas, but chief among these areas is health. Liberty Mutual takes on a variety of health and health policy issues on their blog, including fast foodchildhood obesitysmoking, reproductive rights (here and here), and incarceration.

When the discussion is staged by Liberty Mutual, these issues are framed exclusively within the language of “personal responsibility.” This is a sophisticated rhetorical strategy that makes it very difficult, if not impossible, to reframe the discussion in ways that emphasize corporate responsibility.

So, for example, the post about fast food, titled “Fast Food Limits: Food for Thought or Food Police?” begins this way:

Should government be responsible for deciding what kinds of food you can–and cannot–eat?

Here, Liberty Mutual wants us to think about our personal responsibility as a better alternative than “the government” telling us what we can and cannot eat. What Liberty Mutual doesn’t want us to think about is the way that the four or five agricultural companies which dominate the food industry offer us the appearance of “choice” which in actuality is corn disguised as different forms of fast food.

Similarly, the post about childhood obesity, “Obese Kids: Criminal Neglect by Parents?” asks, “…are you also responsible for what your children eat?” The post then quotes an unnamed “director of a university weight-management center,” who points to a variety of factors, including socioeconomic status, and environmental factors including access to parks and playgrounds, as contributing factors to childhood obesity. Yet, none of these factors are discussed further in the post (or elsewhere on Liberty Mutual’s website). Instead, readers are prompted to:

“Tell us what you think: Should parents be criminally responsible for their obese children? How far should the law go in holding parents directly responsible for any of their children’s behaviors?”

Not surprisingly, a majority of the 56 comments that follow support the idea that parents “should be held criminally responsible” for their children’s weight. Once the terms of the debate have been set with “personal responsibility” as one option, it’s hard to disagree. There’s a lot that’s missing from this discussion, however, such as any discussion of structural inequality that might contribute to childhood obesity, that is, the ways that some kids have access to parks and playgrounds and healthy produce while others do not or the role of the food industry in relentlessly promoting unhealthy products.

The Supreme Court’s decision in the Citizens United case has opened the legal door for corporate propaganda to be given full “free speech” protection under the First Amendment. Not-for-profit corporations, like Citizens United, or foundations like Anschutz’s “Foundation for a Better Life,” or for-profit corporations like Liberty Mutual, now have a constitutionally protected right to engage in political speech. Corporations will not only use their considerable economic power to back particular candidates and shape elections, they will also increasingly use their influence in the sphere of public opinion, “values,” and health.

If you’d like to know more about which corporations are trying to influence your values, you might start with Good Guide andSource Watch.

If you’d like to get more involved in stopping corporate domination, you can start here or here.

By Jessie Daniels, Associate Professor in the Urban Public Health Program at Hunter College and author of Cyber Racism. You can read more of Jessie’s work at Racism Review or on Twitter.

Photo Credits:

  1. wallyg
  2. quite peculiar