State-Level Ramifications of the Citizens United Decision

In January 2010, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission opinion,[1] which changed the laws that determine how corporations participate in the political process. Specifically, Citizens United overturned laws that prevented corporations from using their own funds for advertisements that support or oppose candidates running for elected office. A corporation can now spend unlimited monies to run advertisements that support candidates whose platforms it favors and to oppose candidates whose stated positions are contrary to its own interests.


On its face, the decision did not concern health, but its ramifications will likely have significant impacts for health policy, the delivery of health care, and public health initiatives.[2],[3] For example, corporations can examine incumbent legislators’ voting records on particular issues (e.g., menu-labeling requirements for restaurants) and, if candidates have voted against their interests, corporations can finance advertisements against their re-election. Similarly, corporations can now fund advertisements that support the re-election of candidates with voting records that support their interests. The potential for well-funded political advertisements may dramatically affect some legislators’ votes on important health issues, particularly if they seek to avoid a series of negative corporation-funded advertisements in the final weeks of their re-election campaigns.

In recent months, the Citizens United decision—which concerned regulatory actions taken by the federal government—has raised potential concerns in many U.S. states. Approximately half of the states have laws that entirely prohibit or partially restrict corporations’ ability to fund advertisements in advance of political elections. Several states initially considered repealing these laws, in anticipation of fallout from the Supreme Court’s Citizens United opinion.[4] The National Conference of State Legislatures (NCSL) has noted that “it is likely that states will choose not to enforce these laws [that prevent corporations from funding political advertisements], which has the potential to radically change the political landscape.”[5]

Since 2010, several states have indeed amended or repealed laws that seemed to conflict with Citizens United. For example, according to NCSL, Alaska, Arizona, Connecticut, Iowa, Minnesota, North Carolina, South Dakota, and West Virginia have repealed laws that prevented corporations from directly funding political advertisements. In addition, several state courts have heard challenges to their state laws that prohibit corporation-funded political advertisements.

National attention turned to Montana this September, when its Supreme Court heard oral arguments regarding the constitutionality of its century-long ban on political advertisements funded by corporations.[6] The case began when several corporations—Western Tradition Partnership, Inc., Champion Painting, Inc., and Montana Shooting Sports Association, Inc.—brought a lawsuit in which they alleged that the state’s Corrupt Practices Act of 1912 was unconstitutional in light of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision. The act states, “A corporation may not make a contribution or an expenditure in connection with a candidate or a political committee that supports or opposes a candidate or a political party.”[7]

The state of Montana presented several arguments in favor of the constitutionality of the Corrupt Practices Act. The state’s legal team also explained that the act had been drafted in response to “early corporate domination of state government,”[8] specifically “to limit the inordinate influence of the copper mining companies and their owners, known as the Copper Kings, over Montana politics. . .”[9] In October 2010, a lower Montana court held that the Corrupt Practices Act was unconstitutional after the Citizens United decision.

Activists rally for a constitutional amendment overturning the Citizens United Supreme Court decision on Friday, January 21, 2011 in Washington, DC

Shortly after the decision was released, Montana’s Attorney General, Steve Bullock, issued a statement in which he expressed his intention to appeal the ruling. He explained that:

“This isn’t just about our history: two former secretaries of state and other experts in the field testified that an influx of corporate spending will corrupt the political process and drown out the voices of everyday Montanans. . . While I have a great deal of respect for the district court, the people of Montana have long said that its citizens, not corporations, should decide the outcome of elections.”[10]

In briefs submitted in anticipation of the case’s appellate hearing, Bullock, representing the state of Montana, argued that under the Corrupt Practices Act, corporations are still able to participate in the state’s political processes. The brief stated that,

“No other corporations have challenged Montana’s law in one hundred years.  Still, one would have to ignore the record—and Montana history and politics—to suggest. . . that corporations have been silenced for the past century. To the contrary, corporations are active participants in Montana politics through accountable means such as the political committee requirements applicable to other organizations that seek to associate for campaign purposes. It is undisputed that within this system, corporations large and small are heavily involved in Montana politics through expenditures, contributions by managers, and lobbying.”[11]

In response, the plaintiffs, led by Western Tradition Partnership, argued that the Corrupt Practices Act “expressly prohibits corporations from making independent expenditures at a critical time during our election process; i.e., the campaign for political office. Furthermore, even if [corporate] managers can make expenditures, the manager is not the corporation, just as a PAC [political action committee] is not the corporation.”[12] Numerous organizations submitted amicus (i.e., friend of the court) briefs in anticipation of this fall’s oral argument.[13] The oral argument before Montana’s Supreme Court occurred on Sept. 21, 2011, and the court will likely announce its decision within the next few months.[14]

Because states have broad powers to act to protect the health, safety, and welfare of their residents, they often serve as public health innovators. The extent to which states choose to pursue efforts to protect and promote the public’s health often depends on the composition of the state’s legislature, and the priorities of its elected members. In the period leading up to an election, the public receives information about political candidates through the media, which includes advertisements that support or oppose particular individuals. If Montana’s Corrupt Practices Act is overturned, corporations will have an expanded ability to fund these types of advertisements, which may dramatically influence who Montanans vote into office.

Jennifer Pomeranz is the Director of Legal Initiatives at the Rudd Center for Food Policy & Obesity at Yale University. She publishes and speaks on issues related to marketing to children, regulating unhealthy products, labeling, weight bias, and the government’s role in obesity and food policy.



References

[1] Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, 130 S.Ct. 876 (2010).

[2] Rutkow L, Vernick JS, Teret SP, The potential health effects of Citizens United, New Eng J Med 2010;362:1356-1358.

[3] Wiist WH, Citizens United, public health, and democracy: the Supreme Court ruling, its implications, and proposed action, Am J Public Health 2011;101:1172-1179.

[4] National Conference of State Legislatures, State laws affected by Citizens United, 2011, at http://www.ncsl.org/default.aspx?tabid=19607#laws.

[5] National Conference of State Legislatures, Life after Citizens United, 2011, at http://www.ncsl.org/default.aspx?tabid=19607#intro.

[6] Charles E. Johnson, Corporate political spending goes before Montana Supreme Court Wednesday, Missoulian, Sept. 19, 2011.

[7] Mont. Code Ann. § 13-35-227 (2010).

[8] Brief of Appellant at 2, Western Tradition Partnership, Inc., et al. v. Montana Attorney General et al., No. DA 11-0081 (Apr. 15, 2011).

[9] Charles E. Johnson, Judge throws out Montana’s ban on corporate campaign spending, Missoulian, Oct. 19, 2010.

[10] Office of the Montana Attorney General, Bullock releases statement on corporate electioneering case, Oct. 18, 2010.

[11] Appellant Reply and Answer to Cross Appeal at 9, Western Tradition Partnership, Inc., et al. v. Montana Attorney General et al., No. DA 11-0081 (June 10, 2011).

[12] Appellees and Cross-Appellants’ Reply Brief at 9, Western Tradition Partnership, Inc., et al. v. Montana Attorney General et al., No. DA 11-0081 (July 1, 2011).

[13] Charles E. Johnson, Corporate political spending goes before Montana Supreme Court Wednesday, Missoulian, Sept. 19, 2011.

[14] Charles E. Johnson, Montana Supreme court grills attorney general on corporate spending ban, Missoulian, Sept. 21, 2011.

Image Credits:

1.    Ilaannaa via Flickr.

2.    Public Citizen via Flickr

Efforts to Immunize Food Manufacturers from Obesity-Related Lawsuits: A Challenge for Public Health

Earlier this summer, Minnesota nearly enacted a law immunizing food and beverage (collectively “food”) manufacturers, marketers, and sellers from civil liability related to individuals’ claims of obesity or related health problems stemming from the purchase or consumption of a food product. The Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act (PRFCA) was introduced in Minnesota’s House of Representatives on January 31, 2011, by Representative Dean Urdahl. Shortly after the bill was introduced, Rep. Urdahl issued a press release saying, “My bill is about common sense and personal responsibility because, as citizens, we ultimately must be accountable for what we consume. If you eat too many cheeseburgers and get fat, don’t sue food retailers.”[1]

By late May 2011, the bill had been passed by the state’s Senate and House of Representatives. The bill’s text stated that

A producer, grower, manufacturer, packer, distributor, carrier, holder, marketer, or seller of a food or nonalcoholic beverage intended for human consumption, or an association of one or more such entities, must not be subject to civil liability based on any individual’s or group of individuals’ purchase or consumption of food or nonalcoholic beverages in cases where liability arises from weight gain, obesity, or a health condition associated with weight gain or obesity and resulting from the individual’s or group of individuals’ long-term purchase or consumption of a food or nonalcoholic beverage.[2]

The bill did not exempt food manufacturers from liability for obesity or weight gain claims that were based on “knowing and willful” violations of the law.[3]

On May 24, 2011, Minnesota’s Legislature presented the PRFCA to Governor Mark Dayton. Instead of signing the bill into law, Governor Dayton vetoed it on May 27th. In a letter to Kurt Zellers, the Speaker of the Minnesota House of Representatives, Governor Dayton explained that he supported “the bill’s expressed intent to hold individuals responsible for their own dietary choices.”[4] Despite this, he felt that the PRFCA would have created “too broad an exemption from liability” for food manufacturers and sellers.

Minnesota Governor Mark Dayton, who vetoed that state’s “Cheeseburger Bill”

Unlike Minnesota, 24 states have successfully enacted laws that limit liability or otherwise immunize the food industry from lawsuits related to claims of obesity or associated health problems.[5] These laws are largely a response to lawsuits brought in the early 2000s in which teenage-plaintiffs argued that fast food restaurants should have some responsibility for the country’s obesity epidemic, including their personal weight gain and health problems.[6]

A federal version of the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act was introduced in the U.S. Congress in 2005. It received significant media attention and was the subject of heated Congressional debates. For example, in the House of Representatives, Rep. John Schwarz spoke in favor of the bill, arguing that

The most important step we can take to curb obesity is to impart to everyone in this country that obesity can be controlled when we take personal responsibility. A healthy and consistent diet, with an adequate amount of exercise, will work wonders. That’s the simple truth. . . .  Allowing consumers to sue their local restaurant, to sue half the food industry, means that we are telling our citizens, “It’s not your fault that you are obese.” . . . I support this legislation because it sends the message to everyone in the United States, young and old, that taking control of your weight is your responsibility, and taking personal responsibility is the only way that weight control can be achieved.[7]

Many public health advocates consider this type of position to be a form of victim-blaming which targets individuals who lack adequate access to healthy food and space that facilitates physical activity.

Opponents of the bill questioned why the federal government would want to allow an industry to act without the benefit of judicial oversight. Rep. Pete Stark explained that

Many of the pending cases are for false advertising, claiming food is low fat when it’s really not, and this bill is so broadly worded that it would preclude such cases from going forward. The threat of legitimate lawsuits against fast-food corporations is as much a part of creating social change as is the threat of a Congressional investigation. . . . Even more important than the issue of obesity or Congressional meddling in the judicial branch is the fundamental right of every American to have their day in court. . . . Congress has no business preemptively closing the courthouse doors to a particular group of Americans.[8]

This sentiment was echoed by consumer advocates, including Michael Jacobson, the executive director of the Center for Science in the Public Interest. He contended that “[i]f someone is saying that a 64-ounce soda at 7-Eleven contributed to obesity, that person should have his day in court. If it’s frivolous, the courts are accustomed to throwing those out.”[9] He described the food industry’s efforts “to get special exemptions from lawsuits” as “shameful.”

The federal Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act was reintroduced three times but ultimately has failed to become law. During the last decade, however, the National Restaurant Association has been instrumental in encouraging state legislators to pass so-called “commonsense consumption” laws,9 with Alabama’s bill being the most recently active in a state legislature.[10]

These “commonsense consumption” laws, which some have dubbed “cheeseburger bills,” raise a challenge for public health. They effectively remove or preempt individuals’ ability to turn to the court system to pursue obesity-related litigation.[11] While some of these lawsuits may be frivolous, others have the potential to influence how the food industry operates.

Some scholars have drawn parallels to the role of litigation against the tobacco industry in the 1990s. Although the thought of an individual suing a tobacco company for an illness allegedly related to smoking may not have been initially popular, those lawsuits and subsequent settlements led to the public availability of millions of pages of internal tobacco company documents. According to Professor Richard Daynard, “People changed their minds when documents started to come out about how tobacco companies misled customers about the alleged health benefits of light and low-tar cigarettes.”[9]

Daynard and others believe that a similar change could occur “when people learn the elaborate ways in which companies market products they may know to be unhealthy.”[9] The public loses the chance to learn about the food industry’s potentially harmful practices each time a state enacts a “commonsense consumption” law. In addition, the time and resources spent debating these bills could be better spent directly addressing the underlying public health issues related to obesity that persist throughout the nation.[12]

Jennifer Pomeranz is the Director of Legal Initiatives at the Rudd Center for Food Policy & Obesity at Yale University. She publishes and speaks on issues related to marketing to children, regulating unhealthy products, labeling, weight bias, and the government’s role in obesity and food policy.


 

Reference

[1] State Representative Dean Urdahl, “Cheeseburger Bill” Topped with Personal Responsibility and More, Feb. 23, 2011.

[2] Minn. HB 264, “Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act,” Jan 31, 2011.

[3] Minn. HB 264, “Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act,” Jan 31, 2011.

[4] Letter from Gov. Mark Dayton to Speaker Kurt Zellers, May 27, 2011.

[5] Trust for America’s Health, Supplement to “F as in Fat: How Obesity Policies are Failing in America, 2007,” Obesity-Related Legislation Action in States, Update, Aug. 2007.

[6] Melanie Warner, The Food Industry Empire Strikes Back, The New York Times, July 7, 2005

[7] Statement of Rep. John Schwarz, Congressional Record, p. 23085, Oct. 19, 2005.

[8] Statement of Rep. Pete Stark, Congressional Record, p. 23086, Oct. 19, 2005.

[9] Melanie Warner, The Food Industry Empire Strikes Back, New York Times, July 7, 2005.

[10] Alab. HB 193, “Commonsense Consumption Act,” Mar. 8, 2011,

[11] Pomeranz JL, Teret SP, Sugarman SD, Rutkow L, Brownell, KD. Innovative Legal Approaches to Address Obesity. Milbank Quarterly 2009;87:185-213.

[12] RWJF Trust for America’s Health, F as in Fat 2011, July 7, 2011.

 

Image Credits:

 

1. Razor 512 via Flickr.

2. GovernorDayton via Flickr.

3. Pisto Casero via Flickr.