Selected Bibliography on Retail Practices and Health by Industry

Selected Bibliography on Retail Practices and Health in the Alcohol, Automobile, Firearms, Food and Beverage, Pharmaceutical, and Tobacco industries.

 

Alcohol Industry

  • Cohen DA, GhoshDastidar B, Scribner R, Miu A, Scott M, Robinson P, et al. Alcohol outlets, gonorrhea, and the Los Angeles civil unrest: A longitudinal analysis. Soc Sci Med. 2006;62(12):3062-3071.
  • Gruenewald PJ, Freisthler B, Remer L, Lascala EA, Treno A. Ecological models of alcohol outlets and violent assaults: Crime potentials and geospatial analysis. Addiction. 2006;101(5):666-677.
  • Gruenewald PJ, Johnson FW, Treno AJ. Outlets, drinking and driving: A multilevel analysis of availability. Stud Alcoho. 2002;63(4):460-468.
  • Gruenewald PJ, Millar AB, Treno AJ, Yang Z, Ponicki WR, Roeper P. The geography of availability and driving after drinking. Addiction. 1996;91(7):967-983.
  • Kotecki JE, Fowler JB, German TC, Stephenson SL, Warnick T. Kentucky pharmacists’ opinions and practices related to the sale of cigarettes and alcohol in pharmacies. J Community Health. 2000;25(4):343-355.
  • Lapham SC, Gruenwald PJ, Remer L, Layne L. New Mexico’s 1998 driveup liquor window closure. Study I: Effect on alcohol involved crashes. Addiction. 2004;99(5):598-606.
  • Miller T, Snowden C, Birckmayer J, Hendrie D. Retail alcohol monopolies, underage drinking, and youth impaired driving deaths. Accid Anal Prev. 2006;38(6):1162-1167.
  • Montgomery JM, Foley KL, Wolfson M. Enforcing the minimum drinking age: State, local and agency characteristics associated with compliance checks and Cops in Shops programs. Addiction. 2006;101(2):223-231.
  • Reynolds RI, Holder HD, Gruenewald PJ. Community prevention and alcohol retail access. Addiction. 1997;92 Suppl 2:S261-S272.
  • Treno AJ, Gruenewald PJ, Johnson FW. Alcohol availability and injury: The role of local outlet densities.  Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2001;25(10):1467-1471.
  • Treno AJ, Gruenewald PJ, Wood DS, Ponicki WR. The price of alcohol: A consideration of contextual factors. Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2006;30(10):1734-1742.
  • Treno AJ, Grube JW, Martin SE. Alcohol availability as a predictor of youth drinking and driving: A hierarchical analysis of survey and archival data. Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2003;27(5):835-840.

 

Automobile Industry

  • Devaraj S, Matta KF, Conlon E.  Product and Service Quality: The Antecedents of Customer Loyalty in the Automotive Industry. Production and Operations Management.  2001; 10(4): 424-439.
  • Hellinga LA, McCartt AT, Haire ER. Choice of teenagers’ vehicles and views on vehicle safety: Survey of parents of novice teenage drivers. J Safety Res.2007;38(6):707-713.
  • Joetan E, Kleiner BH. Incentive practices in the US automobile industry. Management Research News. 2004;27(7):49–62.
  • Koppel S, Charlton J, Fildes B, Fitzharris M. How important is vehicle safety in the new vehicle purchase process? Accid Anal Prev. 2008;40(3):994-1004.
  • Koppel S, Charlton J, Fildes B. How important is vehicle safety in the new vehicle purchase/lease process for fleet vehicles? Traffic Inj Prev. 2007;8(2):130-136.
  • Van Alst JW.  Fueling Fair Practices: A Road Map to Improved Public Policy for Used Car Sales and Financing, National Consumer Law Center, (March 5, 2008), Available at http://www.nclc.org/issues/auto/content/report-fuelingfairpractices0309.pdf.

 

Firearms Industry

  • Cook, PJ, Molliconi S, Cole, TB.Regulating gun markets. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 1995;86(1):59-92.
  • Lewin NL, Vernick JS, Beilenson PL, Mair JS, Lindamood MM, Teret SP, Webster DW. The Baltimore Youth Ammunition Initiative: A model application of local public health authority in preventing gun violence. Am J Public Health. 2005;95(5):762-765.
  • Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths, suicide, and homicide among 5-14 year olds. The Journal of Trauma. 2002;52(2):267-275.
  • Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths. Accident Analysis and Prevention. 2001;33:477-484.
  • Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths, suicide, and homicide among women. Journal of Urban Health. 2002; 79(1):26-38.
  • Sorenson SB, Berk RA. Handgun sales, beer sales, and youth homicide, California 1972-1993. Journal of Public Health Policy. 2001;22(2):182-197.
  • Vernick JS, Mair JS. How the law affects gun policy in the United States: Law as intervention or obstacle to prevention. J Law Med Ethics. 2002;30(4):692-704.
  • Vernick JS, Webster DW, Bulzacchelli MT, Mair JS. Regulation of firearm dealers in the United States: An analysis of state law and opportunities for improvement. J Law Med Ethics. 2006;34(4):765-775.
  • Webster DW, Vernick JS, Buzacchelli MT. Effects of a gun dealer’s change in sales practices on the supply of guns to criminals. The Journal of Urban Health. 2006; 83(5):778-787.
  • Webster DW, Bulzacchelli MT, Zeoli AM, Vernick JS. Effects of undercover police stings of gun dealers on the supply of new guns to criminals. Inj Prev. 2006;12(4):225-230.
  • Webster DW, Vernick JS, Bulzacchelli MT. Effects of state-level firearm seller accountability policies on firearm trafficking. J Urban Health. 2009;86(4):525-537.
  • Webster DW, Vernick JS, Hepburn LM. Relationship between licensing, registration, and other gun sales laws and the source state of crime guns. Inj Prev. 2001;7(3):184-189.
  • Wintemute GJ. Where the guns come from: The gun industry and gun commerce. The Future of Children. 2003;12(2):55-71.

 

Food and Beverage Industry

  • Altekruse SF, Yang S, Timbo BB, Angulo FJ. A multi-state survey of consumer food-handling and food-consumption practices. Am J Prev Med. 1999;16(3):216-221.
  • Angell SY, Silver LD, Goldstein GP, Johnson CM, Deitcher DR, Frieden TR, Bassett MT. Cholesterol control beyond the clinic: New York City’s trans fat restriction. Ann Intern Med. 2009;151(2):129-134.
  • Austin SB, Melly SJ, Sanchez BN, Patel A, Buka S, Gortmaker SL. Clustering of fast food restaurants around schools: A novel application of spatial statistics to the study of food environments. Am J Public Health. 2005;95(9):1575-1581.
  • Baker EA, Schootman M, Barnidge E, Kelly C. The role of race and poverty in access to foods that enable individuals to adhere to dietary guidelines. Prev Chronic Dis. 2006;3(3):A76.
  • Borgmeier I, Westenhoefer J. Impact of different food label formats on healthiness evaluation and food choice of consumers: A randomized-controlled study. BMC Public Health. 2009;12(9):184.
  • Burton S, Creyer EH, Kees J, Huggins K. Attacking the obesity epidemic: the potential health benefits of providing nutrition information in restaurants. Am J Public Health.2006;96(9):1669-1675.
  • Cassady D, Housemann R, Dagher C. Measuring cues for healthy choices on restaurant menus: Development and testing of a measurement instrument. Am J Health Promot. 2004;18(6):444-449.
  • Creel JS, Sharkey JR, McIntosh A, Anding J, Huber JC Jr. Availability of healthier options in traditional and nontraditional rural fast-food outlets. BMC Public Health. 2008;8:395.
  • Dumanovsky T, Nonas CA, Huang CY, Silver LD, Bassett MT. What people buy from fast-food restaurants: Caloric content and menu item selection, New York City 2007. Obesity (Silver Spring). 2009; 17(7):1369-1374.
  • Dwyer JJ, Macaskill LA, Uetrecht CL, Dombrow C. Eat Smart! Ontario’s Healthy Restaurant Program: Focus groups with non-participating restaurant operators. Can J Diet Pract Res. 2004.;65(1):6-9.
  • Economos CD, Folta SC, Goldberg J, Hudson D, Collins J, Baker Z, Lawson E, Nelson M. A community-based restaurant initiative to increase availability of healthy menu options in Somerville, Massachusetts: Shape Up Somerville. Prev Chronic Dis. 2009.;6(3):A102
  • Fielding JE, Aguirre A, Palaiologos E. Effectiveness of altered incentives in a food safety inspection program. Prev Med. 2001;32(3):239-244.
  • Ford PB, Dzewaltowski DA. Disparities in obesity prevalence due to variation in the retail food environment: Three testable hypotheses. Nutr Rev. 2008 Apr;66(4):216-228.
  • French SA, Harnack L, Jeffery RW. Fast food restaurant use among women in the Pound of Prevention study: Dietary, behavioral and demographic correlates. International Journal of Obesity & Related Metabolic Disorders. 2000;24(1):1353.
  • French SA. Pricing effects on food choices. J.Nutr. 2003;133(3):841S-843S.
  • French SA, Jeffery RW, Story M, Breitlow KK, Baxter JS, Hannan P, et al. Pricing and promotion effects on lowfat vending snack purchases: The CHIPS Study. Am J Public Health. 2001 ;91(1):112-117.
  • French SA, Story M, Neumark Sztainer D, Fulkerson JA, Hannan P. Fast food restaurant use among adolescents: Associations with nutrient intake, food choices and behavioral and psychosocial variables. Int J Obes Relat Metab Disord. 2001;25(12):1823-1833.
  • Fried EJ, Nestle M. The growing political movement against soft drinks in schools. JAMA.2002 ;288(1):2181-2181.
  • Gerend MA. Does calorie information promote lower calorie fast food choices among college students? J Adolesc Health. 2009;44(1):84-86.
  • Glanz K, Resnicow K, Seymour J, Hoy K, Stewart H, Lyons M, Goldberg J. How major restaurant chains plan their menus: The role of profit, demand, and health. Am J Prev Med. 2007;32(5):383-388.
  • Hannan P, French SA, Story M, Fulkerson JA. A pricing strategy to promote sales of lower fat foods in high school cafeterias: Acceptability and sensitivity analysis. Am.J.Health Promot. 2002 ;17(1):16,ii.
  • Hanni KD, Garcia E, Ellemberg C, Winkleby M. Targeting the taqueria: Implementing healthy food options at Mexican American restaurants. Health Promot Pract. 2009;10(2 Suppl):91S-99S.
  • Harnack LJ, French SA. Effect of point-of-purchase calorie labeling on restaurant and cafeteria food choices: A review of the literature. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act. 2008 Oct 26;5:51.
  • Harnack LJ, French SA, Oakes JM, Story MT, Jeffery RW, Rydell SA. Effects of calorie labeling and value size pricing on fast food meal choices: Results from an experimental trial. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act. 2008 ;5:63.
  • Jacobson MF, Brownell KD. Small taxes on soft drinks and snack foods to promote health. Am J Public Health 2000;90:854-857.
  • Jetter KM, Cassady DL. Increasing fresh fruit and vegetable availability in a low-income neighborhood convenience store: A pilot study. Health Promot Pract. 2009 Feb 12. [Epub ahead of print]
  • Kim D, Kawachi I. Food taxation and pricing strategies to “thin out” the obesity epidemic.  Am. J. Prev. Med. 2006;30(5):430-437.
  • Kimathi AN, Gregoire MB, Dowling RA, Stone MK. A healthful options food station can improve satisfaction and generate gross profit in a worksite cafeteria. J Am Diet Assoc. 2009;109(5):914-917.
  • Kuo T, Jarosz CJ, Simon P, Fielding JE. Menu labeling as a potential strategy for combating the obesity epidemic: A health impact assessment. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(9):1680-1686.
  • Kwate N O A. Fried chicken and fresh apples: Racial segregation as a fundamental cause of fast food density in black neighborhoods. Health and Place. 2008;14:32-44.
  • Kwate NO, Yau CY, Loh JM, Williams D. Inequality in obesigenic environments: Fast food density in New York City. Healthand Place. 2009;15(1):364-73
  • Lang T, Rayner G, Kaelin E. The Food Industry, Diet, Physical Activity and Health: A Review Of Reported Commitments And Practice Of 25 Of The World’s Largest Food Companies. 2006.
  • Larson NI, Story MT, Nelson MC. Neighborhood environments: Disparities in access to healthy foods in the U.S. Am J Prev Med. 2009;36(1):74-81.
  • Ludwig DS, Brownell KD. Public health action amid scientific uncertainty: The case of restaurant calorie labeling regulations. JAMA. 2009;302(4):434-435.
  • Lynch RA, Elledge BL, Griffith CC, Boatright DT. A comparison of food safety knowledge among restaurant managers, by source of training and experience, in Oklahoma County, Oklahoma. J Environ Health. 2003;66(2):9-14, 26.
  • Macdonald L, Cummins S, Macintyre S. Neighbourhood fast food environment and area deprivation-substitution or concentration? Appetite. 2007l;49(1):251-254.
  • Maddock J. The relationship between obesity and the prevalence of fast food restaurants: State level analysis. Am J Health Promot. 2004;19(2):137-143.
  • Mashta O. UK firms sign up to display calories on menus. BMJ. 2009;338:b182.
  • Morland KB, Evenson KR. Obesity prevalence and the local food environment.  Health and Place. 2009; 15(2):491-495
  • Nielsen SJ, Siega Riz AM, Popkin BM. Trends in food locations and sources among adolescents and young adults. Prev Med. 2002;35(2):107-113.
  • O’Dougherty M, Harnack LJ, French SA, Story M, Oakes JM, Jeffery RW. Nutrition labeling and value size pricing at fast-food restaurants: A consumer perspective. Am J Health Promot. 2006;20(4):247-250.
  • Phillips ML, Elledge BL, Basara HG, Lynch RA, Boatright DT. Recurrent critical violations of the food code in retail food service establishments. J Environ Health. 2006;68(10):24-30, 55.
  • Pomeranz JL, Brownell KD. Legal and public health considerations affecting  the success, reach, and impact of menu-labeling laws. Am J Public Health. 2008;98(9):1578-1583.
  • Roberto CA, Agnew H, Brownell KD. An observational study of consumers’ accessing of nutrition information in chain restaurants. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(5):820-821.
  • Rose D, Hutchinson PL, Bodor JN, Swalm CM, Farley TA, Cohen DA, Rice JC. Neighborhood food environments and Body Mass Index: The importance of in-store contents. Am J Prev Med. 2009;37(3):214-219.
  • Rydell SA, Harnack LJ, Oakes JM, Story M, Jeffery RW, French SA. Why eat at fast-food restaurants: reported reasons among frequent consumers. J Am Diet Assoc. 2008;108(12):2066-2070.
  • Sharkey JR, Horel S, Han D, Huber JC Jr. Association between neighborhood need and spatial access to food stores and fast food restaurants in neighborhoods of colonias. Int J Health Geogr. 2009;8:9.
  • Song HJ, Gittelsohn J, Kim M, Suratkar S, Sharma S, Anliker J. A corner store intervention in a low-income urban community is associated with increased availability and sales of some healthy foods. Public Health Nutr. 2009:1-8.
  • Spencer EH, Frank E, McIntosh NF. Potential effects of the next 100 billion hamburgers sold by McDonald’s. Am.J.Prev.Med. 2005 ;28(4):379-381.
  • Story M, Kaphingst KM, Robinson-O’Brien R, Glanz K. Creating healthy food and eating environments: Policy and environmental approaches. Annu Rev Public Health. 2008;29:253-72.

 

Pharmaceutical Industry

  • Brooks JM, Doucette WR, Wan S, Klepser DG. Retail pharmacy market structure and performance. Inquiry. 2008;45(1):75-88.
  • Carroll NV. Estimating the impact of Medicare part D on the profitability of independent community pharmacies. J Manag Care Pharm. 2008;14(8):768-779.
  • Fincham JE. An unfortunate and avoidable component of American pharmacy: Tobacco. Am J Pharm Educ. 2008;72(3):57
  • Garattini L, Motterlini N, Cornago D. Prices and distribution margins of in-patent drugs in pharmacy: A comparison in seven European countries. Health Policy. 2008;85(3):305-313.
  • Gellad WF, Choudhry NK, Friedberg MW, Brookhart MA, Haas JS, Shrank WH. Variation in drug prices at pharmacies: Are prices higher in poorer areas? Health Serv Res. 2009;44(2 Pt 1):606-617.
  • Gitlin M, Wilson L. Repackaged pharmaceuticals in the California workers’ compensation system: From distribution and pricing options to physician and retail dispensing. Am J Ind Med. 2007;50(4):303-315.
  • Montoya ID, Jano E. Online pharmacies: Safety and regulatory considerations. Int J Health Serv. 2007;37(2):279-289.
  • Retail and mail copayments on the rise. Manag Care. 2009;18(6):50.
  • Rudholm N. Entry of new pharmacies in the deregulated Norwegian pharmaceuticals market– consequences for costs and availability. Health Policy.2008;87(2):258-263
  • Stafford E. Pharmacy initiatives target prescription drug costs. J Mich Dent Assoc. 2008;90(9):22.
  • Stevenson FA, Leontowitsch M, Duggan C. Over-the-counter medicines: Professional expertise and consumer discourses. Sociol Health Illn. 2008;30(6):913-928.

 

Tobacco Industry

  • Andersen BS, Begay ME, Lawson CB. Breaking the alliance: Defeating the tobacco industry’s allies and enacting youth access restrictions in Massachusetts. Am J Public Health. 2003;93(11):1922-1928.
  • Celebucki CC, Diskin K. A longitudinal study of externally visible cigarette advertising on retail storefronts in Massachusetts before and after the Master Settlement Agreement. Tob Control. 2002;11 Suppl 2:ii47-53.
  • Chriqui JF, Ribisl KM, Wallace RM, Williams RS, O’Connor JC, el Arculli R. A comprehensive review of state laws governing Internet and other delivery sales of cigarettes in the United States. Nicotine Tob Res. 2008;10(2):253-265.
  • Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Achabal DD, Tyebjee T. Retail trade incentives: How tobacco industry practices compare with those of other industries. Am J Public Health. 1999;89(10):1564-1566.
  • Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Clark PI, Haladjian HH. How tobacco companies ensure prime placement of their advertising and products in stores: Interviews with retailers about tobacco company incentive programmes. Tob Control. 2003;12(2):184-188.
  • Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Schleicher N, Lee RE, Halvorson S. Cigarette advertising and promotional strategies in retail outlets: results of a statewide survey in California. Tob Control. 2001;10(2):184-188.
  • Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Schleicher NC, Clark PI. Retailer participation in cigarette company incentive programs is related to increased levels of cigarette advertising and cheaper cigarette prices in stores. Prev Med. 2004;38(6):876-884.
  • Gilbertson T. Retail point-of-sale guardianship and juvenile tobacco purchases: assessing the prevention capabilities of undergraduate college students. J Drug Educ. 2007;37(1):1-30.
  • Gilpin EA, White VM, Pierce JP. How effective are tobacco industry bar and club marketing efforts in reaching young adults? Tob Control. 2005;14(3):186-192.
  • Glanz K, Sutton NM, Jacob Arriola KR. Operation storefront Hawaii: Tobacco advertising and promotion in Hawaii stores. J Health Commun. 2006;11(7):699-707.
  • Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Schleicher NC, Cowling DW, Kline RS, Fortmann SP. Is adolescent smoking related to the density and proximity of tobacco outlets and retail cigarette advertising near schools? Prev Med. 2008;47(2):210-4.
  • Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Schleicher NC, Haladjian HH, Fortmann SP. Reaching youth at the point of sale: cigarette marketing is more prevalent in stores where adolescents shop frequently. Tob Control. 2004;13(3):315-318.
  • Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Wang Y, Fortmann SP. Association of retail tobacco marketing with adolescent smoking. Am J Public Health. 2004;94(12):2081-2083.
  • Lavack AM, Toth G. Tobacco point-of-purchase promotion: Examining tobacco industry documents. Tob Control. 2006;15(5):377-384.
  • Loomis BR, Farrelly MC, Mann NH. The association of retail promotions for cigarettes with the Master Settlement Agreement, tobacco control programmes and cigarette excise taxes. Tob Control. 2006;15(6):458-463.
  • Loomis BR, Farrelly MC, Nonnemaker JM, Mann NH. Point of purchase cigarette promotions before and after the Master Settlement Agreement: exploring retail scanner data. Tob Control. 2006;15(2):140-
  • Pollay RW. More than meets the eye: on the importance of retail cigarette merchandising. Tob Control. 2007;16(4):270-274.
  • Sepe E, Ling PM, Glantz SA. Smooth moves: bar and nightclub tobacco promotions that target young adults. Am J Public Health. 2002;92(3):414-419.
  • Slater S, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M. State variation in retail promotions and advertising for Marlboro cigarettes. Tob Control. 2001;10(4):337-339.
  • Slater S, Giovino G, Chaloupka F. Surveillance of tobacco industry retail marketing activities of reduced harm products. Nicotine Tob Res. 2008;10(1):187-193.
  • Slater SJ, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M, Johnston LD, O’malley PM. The impact of retail cigarette marketing practices on youth smoking uptake. Arch Pediatr Adolesc. Med. 2007;161(5):440-445.
  • Slater SJ, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M, Johnston LD, O’Malley PM. The impact of retail cigarette marketing practices on youth smoking uptake. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2007;161(5):440-445.
  • Smith EA, Blackman VS, Malone RE. Death at a discount: how the tobacco industry thwarted tobacco control policies in US military commissaries. Tob Control. 2007;16(1):38-46.

 

Studies of Multiple Industries

  • Ashe M, Jernigan D, Kline R, Galaz R. Land use planning and the control of alcohol, tobacco, firearms, and fast food restaurants. Am J Public Health. 2003;93(9):1404-1408.
  • Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Achabal DD, Tyebjee T. Retail trade incentives: how tobacco industry practices compare with those of other industries. Am J Public Health. 1999;89(10):1564-1566.
  • Freudenberg N, Galea S, Fahs M. Changing corporate practices to reduce cancer disparities. J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2008; 19(1):26-40.
  • Hemenway D. The public health approach to motor vehicles, tobacco, and alcohol, with applications to firearms policy. J Public Health Policy. 2001;22(4):381-402.
  • Kotecki JE. Sale of alcohol in pharmacies: results and implications of an empirical study. J Community Health. 2003;28(1):65-77.

Selected Bibliography on Retail Practices and Health by Industry

Selected Bibliography on Retail Practices and Health in the Alcohol, Automobile, Firearms, Food and Beverage, Pharmaceutical, and Tobacco industries.

Alcohol Industry

Cohen DA, GhoshDastidar B, Scribner R, Miu A, Scott M, Robinson P, et al. Alcohol outlets, gonorrhea, and the Los Angeles civil unrest: A longitudinal analysis. Soc Sci Med. 2006;62(12):3062-3071.

Gruenewald PJ, Freisthler B, Remer L, Lascala EA, Treno A. Ecological models of alcohol outlets and violent assaults: Crime potentials and geospatial analysis. Addiction. 2006;101(5):666-677.

Gruenewald PJ, Johnson FW, Treno AJ. Outlets, drinking and driving: A multilevel analysis of availability. Stud Alcoho. 2002;63(4):460-468.

Gruenewald PJ, Millar AB, Treno AJ, Yang Z, Ponicki WR, Roeper P. The geography of availability and driving after drinking.Addiction. 1996;91(7):967-983.

Kotecki JE, Fowler JB, German TC, Stephenson SL, Warnick T. Kentucky pharmacists’ opinions and practices related to the sale of cigarettes and alcohol in pharmacies. J Community Health. 2000;25(4):343-355.

Lapham SC, Gruenwald PJ, Remer L, Layne L. New Mexico’s 1998 driveup liquor window closure. Study I: Effect on alcohol involved crashes. Addiction. 2004;99(5):598-606.

Miller T, Snowden C, Birckmayer J, Hendrie D. Retail alcohol monopolies, underage drinking, and youth impaired driving deaths. Accid Anal Prev. 2006;38(6):1162-1167.

Montgomery JM, Foley KL, Wolfson M. Enforcing the minimum drinking age: State, local and agency characteristics associated with compliance checks and Cops in Shops programs. Addiction. 2006;101(2):223-231.

Reynolds RI, Holder HD, Gruenewald PJ. Community prevention and alcohol retail access. Addiction. 1997;92 Suppl 2:S261-S272.

Treno AJ, Gruenewald PJ, Johnson FW. Alcohol availability and injury: The role of local outlet densities.  Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2001;25(10):1467-1471.

Treno AJ, Gruenewald PJ, Wood DS, Ponicki WR. The price of alcohol: A consideration of contextual factors. Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2006;30(10):1734-1742.

Treno AJ, Grube JW, Martin SE. Alcohol availability as a predictor of youth drinking and driving: A hierarchical analysis of survey and archival data. Alcohol Clin Exp Res. 2003;27(5):835-840.

 

Automobile Industry

Devaraj S, Matta KF, Conlon E.  Product and Service Quality: The Antecedents of Customer Loyalty in the Automotive Industry.Production and Operations Management.  2001; 10(4): 424-439.

Hellinga LA, McCartt AT, Haire ER. Choice of teenagers’ vehicles and views on vehicle safety: Survey of parents of novice teenage drivers. J Safety Res.2007;38(6):707-713.

Joetan E, Kleiner BH. Incentive practices in the US automobile industry. Management Research News. 2004;27(7):49–62.

Koppel S, Charlton J, Fildes B, Fitzharris M. How important is vehicle safety in the new vehicle purchase process? Accid Anal Prev. 2008;40(3):994-1004.

Koppel S, Charlton J, Fildes B. How important is vehicle safety in the new vehicle purchase/lease process for fleet vehicles?Traffic Inj Prev. 2007;8(2):130-136.

Van Alst JW.  Fueling Fair Practices: A Road Map to Improved Public Policy for Used Car Sales and Financing, National Consumer Law Center, (March 5, 2008), Available at http://www.nclc.org/issues/auto/content/report-fuelingfairpractices0309.pdf.

 

Firearms Industry

Cook, PJ, Molliconi S, Cole, TB.Regulating gun markets. The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 1995;86(1):59-92.

Lewin NL, Vernick JS, Beilenson PL, Mair JS, Lindamood MM, Teret SP, Webster DW. The Baltimore Youth Ammunition Initiative: A model application of local public health authority in preventing gun violence. Am J Public Health. 2005;95(5):762-765.

Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths, suicide, and homicide among 5-14 year olds. The Journal of Trauma. 2002;52(2):267-275.

Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths. Accident Analysis and Prevention. 2001;33:477-484.

Miller M, Azrael D, Hemenway D. Firearm availability and unintentional deaths, suicide, and homicide among women.Journal of Urban Health. 2002; 79(1):26-38.

Sorenson SB, Berk RA. Handgun sales, beer sales, and youth homicide, California 1972-1993. Journal of Public Health Policy. 2001;22(2):182-197.

Vernick JS, Mair JS. How the law affects gun policy in the United States: Law as intervention or obstacle to prevention. J Law Med Ethics. 2002;30(4):692-704.

Vernick JS, Webster DW, Bulzacchelli MT, Mair JS. Regulation of firearm dealers in the United States: An analysis of state law and opportunities for improvement. J Law Med Ethics. 2006;34(4):765-775.

Webster DW, Vernick JS, Buzacchelli MT. Effects of a gun dealer’s change in sales practices on the supply of guns to criminals. The Journal of Urban Health. 2006; 83(5):778-787.

Webster DW, Bulzacchelli MT, Zeoli AM, Vernick JS. Effects of undercover police stings of gun dealers on the supply of new guns to criminals. Inj Prev. 2006;12(4):225-230.

Webster DW, Vernick JS, Bulzacchelli MT. Effects of state-level firearm seller accountability policies on firearm trafficking. J Urban Health. 2009;86(4):525-537.

Webster DW, Vernick JS, Hepburn LM. Relationship between licensing, registration, and other gun sales laws and the source state of crime guns. Inj Prev. 2001;7(3):184-189.

Wintemute GJ. Where the guns come from: The gun industry and gun commerce. The Future of Children. 2003;12(2):55-71.

 

Food and Beverage Industry

Altekruse SF, Yang S, Timbo BB, Angulo FJ. A multi-state survey of consumer food-handling and food-consumption practices.Am J Prev Med. 1999;16(3):216-221.

Angell SY, Silver LD, Goldstein GP, Johnson CM, Deitcher DR, Frieden TR, Bassett MT. Cholesterol control beyond the clinic: New York City’s trans fat restriction. Ann Intern Med. 2009;151(2):129-134.

Austin SB, Melly SJ, Sanchez BN, Patel A, Buka S, Gortmaker SL. Clustering of fast food restaurants around schools: A novel application of spatial statistics to the study of food environments. Am J Public Health. 2005;95(9):1575-1581.

Baker EA, Schootman M, Barnidge E, Kelly C. The role of race and poverty in access to foods that enable individuals to adhere to dietary guidelines. Prev Chronic Dis. 2006;3(3):A76.

Borgmeier I, Westenhoefer J. Impact of different food label formats on healthiness evaluation and food choice of consumers: A randomized-controlled study. BMC Public Health. 2009;12(9):184.

Burton S, Creyer EH, Kees J, Huggins K. Attacking the obesity epidemic: the potential health benefits of providing nutrition information in restaurants. Am J Public Health.2006;96(9):1669-1675.

Cassady D, Housemann R, Dagher C. Measuring cues for healthy choices on restaurant menus: Development and testing of a measurement instrument. Am J Health Promot. 2004;18(6):444-449.

Creel JS, Sharkey JR, McIntosh A, Anding J, Huber JC Jr. Availability of healthier options in traditional and nontraditional rural fast-food outlets. BMC Public Health. 2008;8:395.

Dumanovsky T, Nonas CA, Huang CY, Silver LD, Bassett MT. What people buy from fast-food restaurants: Caloric content and menu item selection, New York City 2007. Obesity (Silver Spring). 2009; 17(7):1369-1374.

Dwyer JJ, Macaskill LA, Uetrecht CL, Dombrow C. Eat Smart! Ontario’s Healthy Restaurant Program: Focus groups with non-participating restaurant operators. Can J Diet Pract Res. 2004.;65(1):6-9.

Economos CD, Folta SC, Goldberg J, Hudson D, Collins J, Baker Z, Lawson E, Nelson M. A community-based restaurant initiative to increase availability of healthy menu options in Somerville, Massachusetts: Shape Up Somerville. Prev Chronic Dis. 2009.;6(3):A102

Fielding JE, Aguirre A, Palaiologos E. Effectiveness of altered incentives in a food safety inspection program. Prev Med. 2001;32(3):239-244.

Ford PB, Dzewaltowski DA. Disparities in obesity prevalence due to variation in the retail food environment: Three testable hypotheses. Nutr Rev. 2008 Apr;66(4):216-228.

French SA, Harnack L, Jeffery RW. Fast food restaurant use among women in the Pound of Prevention study: Dietary, behavioral and demographic correlates. International Journal of Obesity & Related Metabolic Disorders. 2000;24(1):1353.

French SA. Pricing effects on food choices. J.Nutr. 2003;133(3):841S-843S.

French SA, Jeffery RW, Story M, Breitlow KK, Baxter JS, Hannan P, et al. Pricing and promotion effects on lowfat vending snack purchases: The CHIPS Study. Am J Public Health. 2001 ;91(1):112-117.

French SA, Story M, Neumark Sztainer D, Fulkerson JA, Hannan P. Fast food restaurant use among adolescents: Associations with nutrient intake, food choices and behavioral and psychosocial variables. Int J Obes Relat Metab Disord.2001;25(12):1823-1833.

Fried EJ, Nestle M. The growing political movement against soft drinks in schools. JAMA.2002 ;288(1):2181-2181.

Gerend MA. Does calorie information promote lower calorie fast food choices among college students? J Adolesc Health. 2009;44(1):84-86.

Glanz K, Resnicow K, Seymour J, Hoy K, Stewart H, Lyons M, Goldberg J. How major restaurant chains plan their menus: The role of profit, demand, and health. Am J Prev Med. 2007;32(5):383-388.

Hannan P, French SA, Story M, Fulkerson JA. A pricing strategy to promote sales of lower fat foods in high school cafeterias: Acceptability and sensitivity analysis. Am.J.Health Promot. 2002 ;17(1):16,ii.

Hanni KD, Garcia E, Ellemberg C, Winkleby M. Targeting the taqueria: Implementing healthy food options at Mexican American restaurants. Health Promot Pract. 2009;10(2 Suppl):91S-99S.

Harnack LJ, French SA. Effect of point-of-purchase calorie labeling on restaurant and cafeteria food choices: A review of the literature. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act. 2008 Oct 26;5:51.

Harnack LJ, French SA, Oakes JM, Story MT, Jeffery RW, Rydell SA. Effects of calorie labeling and value size pricing on fast food meal choices: Results from an experimental trial. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act. 2008 ;5:63.

Jacobson MF, Brownell KD. Small taxes on soft drinks and snack foods to promote health. Am J Public Health 2000;90:854-857.

Jetter KM, Cassady DL. Increasing fresh fruit and vegetable availability in a low-income neighborhood convenience store: A pilot study. Health Promot Pract. 2009 Feb 12. [Epub ahead of print]

Kim D, Kawachi I. Food taxation and pricing strategies to “thin out” the obesity epidemic.  Am. J. Prev. Med.2006;30(5):430-437.

Kimathi AN, Gregoire MB, Dowling RA, Stone MK. A healthful options food station can improve satisfaction and generate gross profit in a worksite cafeteria. J Am Diet Assoc. 2009;109(5):914-917.

Kuo T, Jarosz CJ, Simon P, Fielding JE. Menu labeling as a potential strategy for combating the obesity epidemic: A health impact assessment. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(9):1680-1686.

Kwate N O A. Fried chicken and fresh apples: Racial segregation as a fundamental cause of fast food density in black neighborhoods. Health and Place. 2008;14:32-44.

Kwate NO, Yau CY, Loh JM, Williams D. Inequality in obesigenic environments: Fast food density in New York City.Healthand Place. 2009;15(1):364-73

Lang T, Rayner G, Kaelin E. The Food Industry, Diet, Physical Activity and Health: A Review Of Reported Commitments And Practice Of 25 Of The World’s Largest Food Companies. 2006.

Larson NI, Story MT, Nelson MC. Neighborhood environments: Disparities in access to healthy foods in the U.S. Am J Prev Med. 2009;36(1):74-81.

Ludwig DS, Brownell KD. Public health action amid scientific uncertainty: The case of restaurant calorie labeling regulations.JAMA. 2009;302(4):434-435.

Lynch RA, Elledge BL, Griffith CC, Boatright DT. A comparison of food safety knowledge among restaurant managers, by source of training and experience, in Oklahoma County, Oklahoma. J Environ Health. 2003;66(2):9-14, 26.

Macdonald L, Cummins S, Macintyre S. Neighbourhood fast food environment and area deprivation-substitution or concentration? Appetite. 2007l;49(1):251-254.

Maddock J. The relationship between obesity and the prevalence of fast food restaurants: State level analysis. Am J Health Promot. 2004;19(2):137-143.

Mashta O. UK firms sign up to display calories on menus. BMJ. 2009;338:b182.

Morland KB, Evenson KR. Obesity prevalence and the local food environment.  Health and Place. 2009; 15(2):491-495

Nielsen SJ, Siega Riz AM, Popkin BM. Trends in food locations and sources among adolescents and young adults. Prev Med.2002;35(2):107-113.

O’Dougherty M, Harnack LJ, French SA, Story M, Oakes JM, Jeffery RW. Nutrition labeling and value size pricing at fast-food restaurants: A consumer perspective. Am J Health Promot. 2006;20(4):247-250.

Phillips ML, Elledge BL, Basara HG, Lynch RA, Boatright DT. Recurrent critical violations of the food code in retail food service establishments. J Environ Health. 2006;68(10):24-30, 55.

Pomeranz JL, Brownell KD. Legal and public health considerations affecting  the success, reach, and impact of menu-labeling laws. Am J Public Health. 2008;98(9):1578-1583.

Roberto CA, Agnew H, Brownell KD. An observational study of consumers’ accessing of nutrition information in chain restaurants. Am J Public Health. 2009;99(5):820-821.

Rose D, Hutchinson PL, Bodor JN, Swalm CM, Farley TA, Cohen DA, Rice JC. Neighborhood food environments and Body Mass Index: The importance of in-store contents. Am J Prev Med. 2009;37(3):214-219.

Rydell SA, Harnack LJ, Oakes JM, Story M, Jeffery RW, French SA. Why eat at fast-food restaurants: reported reasons among frequent consumers. J Am Diet Assoc. 2008;108(12):2066-2070.

Sharkey JR, Horel S, Han D, Huber JC Jr. Association between neighborhood need and spatial access to food stores and fast food restaurants in neighborhoods of colonias. Int J Health Geogr. 2009;8:9.

Song HJ, Gittelsohn J, Kim M, Suratkar S, Sharma S, Anliker J. A corner store intervention in a low-income urban community is associated with increased availability and sales of some healthy foods. Public Health Nutr. 2009:1-8.

Spencer EH, Frank E, McIntosh NF. Potential effects of the next 100 billion hamburgers sold by McDonald’s.Am.J.Prev.Med. 2005 ;28(4):379-381.

Story M, Kaphingst KM, Robinson-O’Brien R, Glanz K. Creating healthy food and eating environments: Policy and environmental approaches. Annu Rev Public Health. 2008;29:253-72.

 

Pharmaceutical Industry

Brooks JM, Doucette WR, Wan S, Klepser DG. Retail pharmacy market structure and performance. Inquiry. 2008;45(1):75-88.

Carroll NV. Estimating the impact of Medicare part D on the profitability of independent community pharmacies. J Manag Care Pharm. 2008;14(8):768-779.

Fincham JE. An unfortunate and avoidable component of American pharmacy: Tobacco. Am J Pharm Educ. 2008;72(3):57

Garattini L, Motterlini N, Cornago D. Prices and distribution margins of in-patent drugs in pharmacy: A comparison in seven European countries. Health Policy. 2008;85(3):305-313.

Gellad WF, Choudhry NK, Friedberg MW, Brookhart MA, Haas JS, Shrank WH. Variation in drug prices at pharmacies: Are prices higher in poorer areas? Health Serv Res. 2009;44(2 Pt 1):606-617.

Gitlin M, Wilson L. Repackaged pharmaceuticals in the California workers’ compensation system: From distribution and pricing options to physician and retail dispensing. Am J Ind Med. 2007;50(4):303-315.

Montoya ID, Jano E. Online pharmacies: Safety and regulatory considerations. Int J Health Serv. 2007;37(2):279-289.

Retail and mail copayments on the rise. Manag Care. 2009;18(6):50.

Rudholm N. Entry of new pharmacies in the deregulated Norwegian pharmaceuticals market– consequences for costs and availability. Health Policy.2008;87(2):258-263

Stafford E. Pharmacy initiatives target prescription drug costs. J Mich Dent Assoc. 2008;90(9):22.

Stevenson FA, Leontowitsch M, Duggan C. Over-the-counter medicines: Professional expertise and consumer discourses.Sociol Health Illn. 2008;30(6):913-928.

Tobacco Industry

Andersen BS, Begay ME, Lawson CB. Breaking the alliance: Defeating the tobacco industry’s allies and enacting youth access restrictions in Massachusetts. Am J Public Health. 2003;93(11):1922-1928.

Celebucki CC, Diskin K. A longitudinal study of externally visible cigarette advertising on retail storefronts in Massachusetts before and after the Master Settlement Agreement. Tob Control. 2002;11 Suppl 2:ii47-53.

Chriqui JF, Ribisl KM, Wallace RM, Williams RS, O’Connor JC, el Arculli R. A comprehensive review of state laws governing Internet and other delivery sales of cigarettes in the United States. Nicotine Tob Res. 2008;10(2):253-265.

Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Achabal DD, Tyebjee T. Retail trade incentives: How tobacco industry practices compare with those of other industries. Am J Public Health. 1999;89(10):1564-1566.

Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Clark PI, Haladjian HH. How tobacco companies ensure prime placement of their advertising and products in stores: Interviews with retailers about tobacco company incentive programmes. Tob Control. 2003;12(2):184-188.

Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Schleicher N, Lee RE, Halvorson S. Cigarette advertising and promotional strategies in retail outlets: results of a statewide survey in California. Tob Control. 2001;10(2):184-188.

Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Schleicher NC, Clark PI. Retailer participation in cigarette company incentive programs is related to increased levels of cigarette advertising and cheaper cigarette prices in stores. Prev Med. 2004;38(6):876-884.

Gilbertson T. Retail point-of-sale guardianship and juvenile tobacco purchases: assessing the prevention capabilities of undergraduate college students. J Drug Educ. 2007;37(1):1-30.

Gilpin EA, White VM, Pierce JP. How effective are tobacco industry bar and club marketing efforts in reaching young adults?Tob Control. 2005;14(3):186-192.

Glanz K, Sutton NM, Jacob Arriola KR. Operation storefront Hawaii: Tobacco advertising and promotion in Hawaii stores. J Health Commun. 2006;11(7):699-707.

Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Schleicher NC, Cowling DW, Kline RS, Fortmann SP. Is adolescent smoking related to the density and proximity of tobacco outlets and retail cigarette advertising near schools? Prev Med. 2008;47(2):210-4.

Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Schleicher NC, Haladjian HH, Fortmann SP. Reaching youth at the point of sale: cigarette marketing is more prevalent in stores where adolescents shop frequently. Tob Control. 2004;13(3):315-318.

Henriksen L, Feighery EC, Wang Y, Fortmann SP. Association of retail tobacco marketing with adolescent smoking. Am J Public Health. 2004;94(12):2081-2083.

Lavack AM, Toth G. Tobacco point-of-purchase promotion: Examining tobacco industry documents. Tob Control. 2006;15(5):377-384.

Loomis BR, Farrelly MC, Mann NH. The association of retail promotions for cigarettes with the Master Settlement Agreement, tobacco control programmes and cigarette excise taxes. Tob Control. 2006;15(6):458-463.

Loomis BR, Farrelly MC, Nonnemaker JM, Mann NH. Point of purchase cigarette promotions before and after the Master Settlement Agreement: exploring retail scanner data. Tob Control. 2006;15(2):140-

Pollay RW. More than meets the eye: on the importance of retail cigarette merchandising. Tob Control. 2007;16(4):270-274.

Sepe E, Ling PM, Glantz SA. Smooth moves: bar and nightclub tobacco promotions that target young adults. Am J Public Health. 2002;92(3):414-419.

Slater S, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M. State variation in retail promotions and advertising for Marlboro cigarettes. Tob Control. 2001;10(4):337-339.

Slater S, Giovino G, Chaloupka F. Surveillance of tobacco industry retail marketing activities of reduced harm products.Nicotine Tob Res. 2008;10(1):187-193.

Slater SJ, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M, Johnston LD, O’malley PM. The impact of retail cigarette marketing practices on youth smoking uptake. Arch Pediatr Adolesc. Med. 2007;161(5):440-445.

Slater SJ, Chaloupka FJ, Wakefield M, Johnston LD, O’Malley PM. The impact of retail cigarette marketing practices on youth smoking uptake. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2007;161(5):440-445.

Smith EA, Blackman VS, Malone RE. Death at a discount: how the tobacco industry thwarted tobacco control policies in US military commissaries. Tob Control. 2007;16(1):38-46.

 

Studies of Multiple Industries

Ashe M, Jernigan D, Kline R, Galaz R. Land use planning and the control of alcohol, tobacco, firearms, and fast food restaurants. Am J Public Health. 2003;93(9):1404-1408.

Feighery EC, Ribisl KM, Achabal DD, Tyebjee T. Retail trade incentives: how tobacco industry practices compare with those of other industries. Am J Public Health. 1999;89(10):1564-1566.

Freudenberg N, Galea S, Fahs M. Changing corporate practices to reduce cancer disparities. J Health Care Poor Underserved.2008; 19(1):26-40.

Hemenway D. The public health approach to motor vehicles, tobacco, and alcohol, with applications to firearms policy. J Public Health Policy. 2001;22(4):381-402.

Kotecki JE. Sale of alcohol in pharmacies: results and implications of an empirical study. J Community Health. 2003;28(1):65-77.

 
 

Reader Response: “New York State’s Tax on Sugar Sweetened Beverages Goes Down the Drain: Lessons from Nutrition Advocates”

Last month Corporations and Health Watch posted a story “New York State’s Tax on Sugar Sweetened Beverages Goes Down the Drain: Lessons from Nutrition Advocates.” The following letter was written in response to this posting.

To Corporations and Health Watch:

I am writing to respectfully respond to the “New York State’s Tax on Sugar Sweetened Beverages Goes Down the Drain: Lessons from Nutrition Advocates” article by Ms. Dinour (posted in May 2009). Contrary to what the article implies, Citizens’ Committee for Children (CCC) has at no point wavered in its support and preference for the establishment of an excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. To educate elected officials, health care colleagues and the media on the advantages and strengths of an excise tax, we commissioned a public opinion poll on the proposal and provided poll results and detailed analysis of consumption and revenue to the Governor, the entire New York State Legislature, local and regional media outlets, as well as health care colleagues and advocates. In addition, we mobilized over 4,000 New Yorkers to connect to their state representatives electronically in support of the excise tax facilitating hundreds of e-letters. We traveled to Albany with volunteers and met repeatedly with elected officials to advance the excise tax proposal. We were in constant contact with the Governor’s Office, the Senate and Assembly, providing fiscal impact assessments, projections on consumption and revenue, and encouraging alterations to the sales tax proposal. We held press conferences, background sessions with journalists and media, and testified at hearings on the State Budget and tax options. In every instance we advanced the concept of an excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverages, not simply an innovative way to raise revenue, but as an effective way to improve public health and save lives by reducing consumption of unhealthy beverages. We remained focused on the targeted use of excise tax revenue as well and believed that resources needed to be dedicated to obesity prevention – something the proposal to increase sales taxes on beverages did not do.

The article also suggests that child advocates and health advocates had not gone far enough in their advocacy methods; stating by comparison that the “New Yorkers Against Unfair Taxes created a website, blog, cell phone texting service…” What is missing in this comparison is the open acknowledgement that New Yorkers Against Unfair Taxes is a coalition supported by local and regional business interests, industry organizations and corporations in food retail, bottling, beverage, and distribution. Also absent from the discussion is the fact that the resources, contributions and influence at the coalition’s disposal, were not only disportionate but that several corporations actually threatened to move thousands of jobs out of New York, should the sugar-sweetened beverage tax proposal pass. Conversely, the excise tax was supported by small non-profit advocacy organizations and health care providers focused on the health of the State’s citizens but without the vast resources and without the financial leverage and overwhelming monetary stake in the outcome.

CCC agrees with the article’s conclusion: that a key lesson for advocacy is the need for a “strong policy introduction and legislative champion and effective messaging throughout a campaign.” In fact, our poll clearly documented an increase in public support for the excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverages when participants are told of the public health, rather than gap closing, benefits. Health and child advocates did not waiver in their advocacy or messaging on that point. Unfortunately the media coined and hung on to the “fat tax” terminology, which not only demonized overweight people but also deflected attention from public health benefits of taxing unhealthy products. The catchy phrase helped to dumb down the public discussion and allowed for the lumping of this proposal in with regressive fees, fines and taxes. Faced with multiple and enormous tax policy and budgetary battles, the sugar sweetened beverage tax proposal eventually lost its greatest political champion: the Governor.

On this point, although the article states that advocates should understand “the historical, social and political environments in order to identify windows of opportunity,” it completely fails to acknowledge the historical, social and political environments that advocates faced when the Governor proposed a sales tax on sugar sweetened beverage tax. The debate, on the best method of taxing unhealthy beverages, took place at a time when New York State faced the most profound recession in decades and needed to close a $16 billion dollar budget gap. A time when there was profound concern about protecting hundreds of millions of dollars in investments in basic supports for children and families. In tandem with our efforts to advance a sugar sweetened beverage excise tax proposal, CCC and others were also leveraging significant political and organizational capacity to achieve a progressive increase in personal income tax to raise nearly $6 billion in revenue and ensure that the budget would not be balanced on the backs of the poorest constituents. Thankfully, we achieved both even though the political and social climate seemed against us from the outset, thereby proving the theory that you can lose the battle and still win the war.

We remain committed to advocating for the excise tax on sugar sweetened beverages because we believe that children will ultimately benefit. In fact, the United State’s Senate Finance Committee is now contemplating instituting such a tax as a means to raise revenue to support health care reform and combat obesity on a national scale. It is clear that the rigorous debate in New York has informed this national proposal. CCC continues to educate lawmakers, now on the federal level, and is hopeful that Congress can pass the tax and in doing so place the needs and interests of children and families ahead of those of the bottling and beverage industry.

Jennifer March-Joly, Ph.D.
Executive Director
Citizens’ Committee for Children of New York

Baby Carrots: Model Product for a New Economy?

Under what circumstances can the interests of companies and consumer health coincide? Can food companies make a profit promoting healthier food? To find answers to these questions, this month CHW examines a single product—baby carrots. An analysis of the industry and consumer practices contributing to the rise in popularity of baby carrots offer an opportunity to examine how healthy food can mean big profits for food companies.

 Under what circumstances can the interests of companies and consumer health coincide? Can food companies make a profit promoting healthier food? To find answers to these questions, this month Corporations and Health Watch examines a single product—baby carrots. In his classic The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith analyzed a pin factory to understand the workings of the newly emerging capitalism. He claimed that by understanding this “trifling manufacture” his readers could appreciate deeper economic dynamics. Here, our more modest goal is to gain insights into the connections between profitability and population health.

Baby carrots are in fact not babies at all. They are specially grown carrot varieties that are cut and peeled into a standard size, so they can be packed and eaten without peeling or any other preparation. Baby carrots were introduced in the late 1980s and a decade later, per capita carrot consumption had more than doubled, with nearly all the growth coming from fresh carrots. According to Ken Hodge, communications director for the International Fresh-Cut Produce Association, the rise in carrot consumption is “one of the biggest success stories in produce.”


Health benefits of carrots

Why is increased carrot consumption important? First, carrots are an important source of Vitamin A and the beta-carotene in carrots is available for synthesis into A with little waste or health risk. According to the U.S Department of Agriculture, Americans get 30% of their Vitamin A from carrots. Second, most nutritionists believe that increasing fruit and vegetable consumption brings a plethora of health benefits: reduced rates of heart disease, cancer, diabetes and other conditions and reductions in obesity, an important contributor to the socioeconomic and racial/ethnic health disparities that characterize the United States. Most Americans fail to eat the suggested 5-10 daily servings of fresh fruits and vegetables so finding products that can lead to increases in consumption is an important priority. Baby carrots are convenient and versatile. They can be part of school lunches, snacks, party food or airline fare; sold in bodegas and grocery stores as well as super markets; or served in day care and after school programs. Carrots can be stored in refrigerators for several days, making them attractive to institutional food programs, small stores and ordinary eaters. Easy to serve and store, baby carrots, sticks, and other types of peeled and cut carrots accounted for 69 percent of U.S. households’ expenditures for fresh carrots in 2003.

Baby carrots: a new profit center?

For producers, baby carrots also have attractions. Baby carrots sell for more than regular carrots and many chains now market their own brands of baby carrots. Baby carrots sell for two or more times the price of their full-sized cousins, making them a profitable value-added product. Overall, according to the United States Department of Agriculture, in 2004, the average wholesale price for fresh carrots (in 2000 dollars) was $18.76 per hundred pounds, down from the 20-year high of $21.28 in 1984. Thus, for consumers prices went down while the shift to baby carrots allowed producers to earn more. Since the late 1990s, however, per capita consumption of carrots began to decline, perhaps revealing the fickle tastes of the American consumer or the very modest investments in carrot advertising. (Have you ever seen a television ad for baby carrots?)


Designer carrots

Like so much of the produce we now eat, baby carrots are designer products, literally shaped by growers to make them more marketable. Not only did growers change the shape and texture of the carrot varieties used for baby carrots—they are longer and narrower so they can be cut into four rather than three segments and peeled more easily, resulting in less waste. Growers also selected for taste and texture. Baby carrots are sweeter than other varieties, part of their appeal for children. Some food activists prefer the taste of other carrot varieties such as the purple carrot or less sweet varieties.

Big Carrot Industry dominates baby carrot market

Baby carrots are not a Mom-and-Pop product from the local family farm. According to the USDA, carrot production is highly mechanized and highly concentrated. Carrots used for processing and fresh carrots use mechanical harvesting techniques and two major California firms account for the majority of all carrot products sold. Grimmway, the largest company, planted about 35,000 acres of carrots a few years ago and grows carrots around the year in Southern California. Grimmway markets more than 40 brands of carrots, segmenting its market into multiple slices. Bolthouse Farms, the other big carrot producer, also sells health drinks. Together these two companies produce 90% of the carrots sold in California.

Lessons for health

So what can we learn from the story of baby carrots? First, baby carrots suggest that there are products than can improve health and make money for the food industry. Selling more baby carrots is good for public health and for the bottom line of some companies. Identifying other similar products and developing strategies to promote their use is an important priority for the nutrition and public health communities. Baby carrots also show that consumers will choose healthy, convenient products when they are readily available and that consumption of healthy products can increase rapidly in certain circumstances.

However, baby carrots also illustrate the some of the dilemmas our current food system faces. Promoting baby carrots, arguably good for health, now supports big growers, encourages energy-consuming food transportation patterns, and discourages locally grown produce. Several characteristics of baby carrots make them an ideal mass market product—dependent on mechanized agriculture, convenient packaging, efficiencies of scale for processing, and highly concentrated production that allows a few growers to make money promoting and expanding baby carrot production. These characteristics give baby carrots the potential to get into enough stores, kitchens and mouths to actually change national patterns of vegetable consumption—an important health priority. Yet these same characteristics may undermine other important goals such as sustainability, wider taste variability, a less concentrated food system and more locally grown food.

In addition, although baby carrots are more profitable than uncut carrots, they still constitute a tiny portion of the food market. No one advertises baby carrots, no websites or Internet games encourage children to use them (please contradict me, readers, if you can), and the profit margins on baby carrots or similar products are unlikely to change the dynamics of California agribusiness. Only a publicly subsidized promotion campaign could change this. The experience of the federal Five a Day Fruit and Vegetable Campaign provides a sobering example of the challenges. Its total budget was one third what Lays and Doritos alone spent marketing their chips.

Finally, baby carrots present both a risk and an opportunity for reducing disparities in access to healthy food and improved health for the socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups disproportionately burdened by our current food system and economy. On the one hand, like so many other upscale products that promote health, baby carrots could become yet another yuppie food—more available to better off communities and more educated individuals and thus exacerbating the already large differences in fruit and vegetable consumption among the poor and the better off. On the other hand, baby carrots are a product that could be part of every school lunch program, served in child care programs, senior citizens centers, jails and homeless shelters, providing healthier, fresher and tastier options to disadvantaged populations. Already many food programs have introduced baby carrots.

For such an approach to yield public health benefits, however, might require subsidies to keep the market growing and prices affordable. Activists working on the Farm Bill have proposed decreasing public subsidies for unhealthy crops like corn, soy and tobacco and increasing them for healthier foods. Baby carrots might make a good test case for the potential of this strategy to yield sustainable changes in the American diet.

In sum, baby carrots help us to understand the potential and limits of the market forces that currently shape our food system. As food and nutrition advocates chart a healthier future food system, it will help to analyze other products and to consider the micro and macro educational, political and economic strategies that can better align market forces with public health. More broadly, concrete empirical analyses of other products that influence health will help public health professionals and advocates to develop new approaches to health promotion and disease prevention. To advance this consideration,Corporation and Health Watch invites its readers to submit ideas or reports on other products in other sectors.

Nicholas Freudenberg is Distinguished Professor of Public Health at Hunter College and Founder and Director ofCorporations and Health Watch.

Sources

Bonne J. Convenient carrot charms consumers. MSNBC.com July 23,2003. Available at:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3072775/

Brunke H. Commodity Profile: Carrots. Agricultural Marketing Resource Center. Updated and Revised January 2006. Available at: http://aic.ucdavis.edu/profiles/Carrots-2006.pdf

Kuchler F, Stewart H. Price Trends Are Similar for Fruits, Vegetables, and Snack Foods / ERR-55Economic Research Service/USDA, 2008. Available at: http://www.ers.usda.gov/Publications/ERR55/ERR55c.pdf

Nunez J. Off-Colored Vegetables Are Good For You – No Joke. Bakersfield.com, October 10, 2007. Available at:http://people.bakersfield.com/home/ViewPost/33464

Photo Credits:
1. unsureshot
2. amanky

New York State’s Tax on Sugar-Sweetened Beverages Goes Down the Drain: Lessons for Nutrition Advocates

The soda tax came and went this year in New York. Here, CHW examines the campaign to pass a sugar-sweetened beverage tax, the likely factors that led to its failure, and also offers important lessons for future efforts.

On December 15, 2008, media sources revealed elements of New York State Governor Paterson’s proposal for the 2009-2010 state budget. Among the many new fees and fines that the Governor proposed in order to close the estimated $15 billion deficit was an 18% sales tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. With the new fiscal year less than four months away, the announcement of this tax spurred advocates and opponents to quickly mobilize constituents, engage the media, and lobby state legislators. Less than three months later, on March 11, 2009, state legislative leaders announced that the sugar-sweetened beverage tax would not be included in the final budget. This report examines the campaign to pass a New York State sugar-sweetened beverage tax and the likely factors that led to its failure. This analysis also offers several important lessons for future efforts in public health advocacy designed to make unhealthy food less available.

A Dual Crisis in New York State

At the end of 2008, two major problems were occurring in New York State. The first was a growing obesity epidemic. In the past decade, adult obesity in New York State has nearly doubled, and currently about two-thirds are overweight or obese.1 The weights of children and adolescents have also increased during this time; the most recent data show that one-third of New York State Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) participants and more than one-quarter of state high school students are overweight or obese.2,3 Black, Latino, and low-income New Yorkers experience disproportionately high rates of obesity, diabetes, and other diet-related diseases, increasing the already large health inequalities among these groups. In all, obesity-related illnesses are estimated to cost the state more than $6 billion annually.4

With this steady rise in obesity, per capita consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages has also increased during this time. Although we cannot say definitively that drinking soft drinks and other “liquid candy” causes obesity, studies consistently show that the more soda we drink, the more calories we consume and the higher our body mass index (BMI),5 a measure of obesity. With such a growing and significant contributor of calories for many Americans, nutritionists and public health professionals have stressed the importance of reducing sugar-sweetened beverage consumption to prevent and decrease obesity and other diet-related health conditions.

By the end of 2008, New York State was facing a second problem—a large and rapidly growing state budget deficit. In the midst of a global economic crisis, New York was experiencing a triple loss: declining personal income tax revenue from lost jobs and bonuses, decreasing corporate income tax revenue from disappearing business profits, and waning sales tax revenue as shoppers limited their spending. Estimated at $6.4 billion in July 2008, the budget deficit more than doubled to $15 billion by the end of the year.6,7 As a result, the state needed to rein in spending and find revenue alternatives through new fees, fines, and taxes.

In order to tackle these two issues simultaneously, Governor Patterson introduced what was quickly nicknamed by the media as the ‘obesity tax.’ The two goals of the proposed 18% sales tax on sugar-sweetened beverages were to raise an estimated $404 million in the first year, while at the same time creating a cost differential that was expected to convince shoppers to instead buy the cheaper low, or no-calorie alternatives, thus helping to curb weight gain and obesity.

The Campaign to Pass a New York State Tax on Sugar-Sweetened Beverages

During the three months after the tax was announced, state and local children’s advocacy groups and public health organizations—particularly the American Academy of Pediatrics, Citizens’ Committee for Children, New York Academy of Medicine, New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene, New York State Department of Health, New York State Healthy Eating and Physical Activity Alliance, New York State Public Health Association, and the Public Health Association of New York City—targeted state legislators by employing the following strategies:

  1. Media advocacy
      via press releases, letters to the editor, and op-eds

    Constituent mobilization

      through the use of e-mail action alerts, in-person and online education, and a memo of support

    Direct lobbying

      by providing testimony at budget hearings, mailing information packets, and visiting key legislators

However, the campaign faced multiple barriers, including a politically weak and wavering Governor and a growing economic crisis that did not provide a receptive public climate for tax increases. In addition, the campaign had a strong and united group of opponents who were also targeting state legislators. A coalition called New Yorkers Against Unfair Taxes emerged, including more than 80 national, state, and local business and citizen groups, most notably the Business Council of New York State; National Restaurant Association; New York State Restaurant Association; Grocery Manufacturers Association; Bodega Association of the United States; Coca-Cola Bottling Company of Buffalo, Inc.; and Pepsi Cola Bottling Newburgh; among many others.

Although not part of this coalition, another vocal opponent was the American Beverage Association, the trade association representing companies that manufacture and distribute non-alcoholic beverages in the United States—the very products that would be taxed under the Governor’s proposal. Between 2006-2008, these groups collectively spent more than $4 million to gain political influence in New York State via campaign contributions and lobbying.8

Despite the campaign’s use of multiple strategies, Governor Patterson—in agreement with legislative leaders after several days of closed-door meetings—announced on March 11, 2009 that the sugar-sweetened beverage tax would not be included in the final budget. Advocates attribute the failed policy to two key factors. The first was the Governor’s public statement of doubt at a town hall meeting. The New York Times quoted him as saying, “The tax on soda was really a public policy argument. In other words, it’s not something that we necessarily thought we would get. But we just wanted the population to know some issues about childhood obesity.”9 Once this hit the newsstands and airways, advocates felt that the sugar-sweetened beverage tax was dead. Secondly, campaign members believe that the tax was doomed from the start because of how it was introduced by the Governor’s office. Several advocates noted that rather than singling out the sugar-sweetened beverage tax and focusing on its public health benefits, it was instead lumped in with a list of other fees referred to by opponents, the media, and even some legislative leaders as regressive or nuisance taxes.

Even though the campaign was not successful in achieving the tax increase on sugar-sweetened beverages, advocates believe that they were effective in constituent mobilization. Still, more could have been done to engage those outside of the public health and child advocacy groups. Comparatively, New Yorkers Against Unfair Taxes created a website, blog, cell phone texting service, online petition, and Facebook profile that together spread their opposing message to thousands of people. Advocates made no equivalent use of new media technologies or social networking strategies. Most legislators heard more from opponents than supporters.

One organization, Citizens Committee for Children (CCC), a multi-issue child advocacy group, initially proposed an excise tax on sugar-sweetened beverages rather than a sales tax. They made the case that an excise tax would be levied on bottlers and distributors rather than consumers and would result in a higher price for large volumes, thus serving as a more effective deterrent for high consumption. The excise tax would also have generated significantly more revenues for the state and CCC proposed that a portion of these revenues be dedicated to nutrition education or obesity prevention. Statewide polling data showed support for this approach.10 The Governor rejected the idea of an excise tax, in part because it would take additional months to establish a system for collecting the revenues, whereas sales tax revenues could be collected immediately. When the Governor’s office rejected this approach, CCC backed the sales tax proposal but some advocates continued to believe that the excise tax strategy was a more effective public health and economic approach.

Finally, many nutrition advocates had mixed feelings about the sugar-sweetened beverage tax. Supporters acknowledged that it would financially burden the poor most, although they argued it would also benefit them most by helping to reduce disparities in obesity rates. Opponents of the soda tax claimed that making healthy food more available in poor communities was a moral and public health imperative. Some supporters replied that in the absence of reducing the availability of unhealthy food, it would be difficult to lower obesity rates. One compromise proposed by advocates is to use revenues from a sugar-sweetened beverage tax to subsidize the purchase of healthy foods, thus counteracting any regressive effects the tax might have.11

Lessons for Round Two

Even if public health campaigns are not able to fulfill their main policy goals, they can still successfully mobilize constituencies and contribute to public debate. One of the key lessons for advocates is the need for a strong policy introduction and legislative champion. In this case, the tax may have been more successful if it was introduced on its own, rather than with other unpopular fees and fines, though this may not be true for all policy proposals. Additionally, policies need to be framed with messages that invoke values such as social justice, rather than getting bogged down with the details. By using value-based messages from the very beginning, advocates may be more likely to create and maintain a supportive policy framework and overcome statements made by opponents and the media. And as indicated by several advocates, the sugar-sweetened beverage tax was effectively viewed as dead after the Governor publicly stated that he didn’t think it would be approved. With a stronger legislative champion willing to stand by the tax until the end, the outcome may have been different.

This campaign also illustrates the importance of context in affecting outcomes. Advocates must understand the historical, social, and political environments in order to identify windows of opportunity, frame messages appropriately, and utilize effective strategies. In this case, imposing a new tax in the midst of an economic crisis was bound to be unpopular for many residents. The campaign tried to define the issue more broadly by linking the tax to improved health and lower healthcare costs, though this still did not involve enough stakeholders and diverse groups to pass the tax. Perhaps early messages that countered the campaign’s opponents, such as disclosing the beverage industry’s behind-the-scenes lobbying tactics and targeted marketing strategies, may have helped change the public discourse surrounding the tax.

In the same vein, advocates of public health measures probably fare better if they are united in their support for a proposal and if they have resolved moral or other ambiguities prior to public debate. The lack of prior internal dialogue among advocates on the value and limits of taxes on unhealthy food and the short interval available for mobilization may have handicapped their ability to bring clear and consistent messages into the policy arena.

Finally, it is important to remember that it may take two or more attempts to pass legislation, especially when there is little precedent for the policy. Not knowing in advance opponents’ strategies and messages, this first attempt at a sugar-sweetened beverage tax in New York State was actually a valuable learning experience. Campaigns should evaluate their efforts and those of their opponents in order to increase the likelihood of future success. Measures of outputs and outcomes should include surveys of constituents, policymakers, and the media.

 

References

1 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. BRFSS Prevalence and Trends Data: New York, 2007. Available at: http://apps.nccd.cdc.gov/BRFSS/display.asp?cat=OB&yr=2007&qkey=4409&state=NY. Accessed March 20, 2009.

2 Edmunds LS, Woelfel ML, Dennison BA, et al. Overweight trends among children enrolled in the New York State Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children. J Am Diet Assoc. 2006;106(1):113-117.

3 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. YRBSS Youth Online: Comprehensive Results. Available at: http://apps.nccd.cdc.gov/yrbss/SelQuestyear.asp?cat=5&desc=Dietary%20Behaviors&loc=NY. Accessed March 30, 2009.

4 Office of the State Comptroller. Preventing and reducing childhood obesity in New York. October, 2008. Available at: http://www.osc.state.ny.us/reports/health/childhoodobesity.pdf. Accessed March 30, 2009.

5 Vartanian LR, Schwartz MB, Brownell KD. Effects of drink consumption on nutrition and health: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Am J Public Health. 2007;97(4):667-675.

6 Hakim D. Governor calls for session on fiscal crisis. NY Times. July 30, 2008. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/30/nyregion/30paterson.html?ref=nyregion. Accessed March 31, 2009.

7 Fiore M. Studies weigh in on logic behind ‘obesity’ tax. Fox News. December 17, 2008. Available at: http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,468245,00.html. Accessed March 16, 2009.

8 Deep pocketed sugar sweetened beverage tax opponents spend over $4 million to influence public health policy [press release]. New York: New York State Health Eating and Physical Activity Alliance; March 12, 2009.

9 Confessore N. Paterson lowers expectations on soda tax, calling approval unlikely. NY Times. February 14, 2009. Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/14/nyregion/14sodatax.html?_r=1&scp=3&sq=soda%20tax&st=cse. Accessed March 9, 2009.

10 Citizens’ Committee for Children of New York, Inc. Voter preferences for closing the New York State budget gap. December 12, 2008. Available at: http://www.cccnewyork.org/publications/12-12-08CCCPoll.pdf. Accessed March 13, 2009.

11 Brownell KD, Frieden TR. Ounces of prevention—the public policy case for taxes on sugared beverages. N Engl J Med. 2009;360:1805-1808.

 

Image Credits:

1. vox_efx
2. poolie
3. specialkrb
4. specialkrb

Is McDonald’s Lovin’ the Economic Crisis? Hard times, fast food and health

Despite the slumping economy, tightening credit market, rising food prices and growing concern about obesity, 2008 was a very good year for the McDonald’s Corporation, the world’s largest fast food company. By the end of the year, Mickey D’s hadposted 55 consecutive months of increases in global same–store sales; operated a record 32,000 restaurants in 100 countries and increased the value of shares by 6% and revenues by 7%. Its return on equity, a measure of a firm’s efficiency in generating profits, was 29%, nearly triple the industry average of 10% and the company increased its dividend by 33%. These increases,said the company’s CEO Jim Skinner, show that we are delivering what customers count on from McDonald’s—choice, variety and high–quality food and beverages at affordable prices.

In this report, Corporations and Health Watch examines how McDonald’s has responded to the economic crisis and considers the health implications of recent changes in its corporate practices. The larger goal is to identify new opportunities for public heath advocates to advance their health agenda in a changing economic and political climate.

Only a few years ago, McDonald’s faced some daunting challenges, recently summarized in the New York Times. A rapid pace of expansion had led to declines in service and quality as McDonald’s was unable to hire and train staff quickly enough. In addition, a bevy of critics made McDonald’s a target. In 1999, a crowd of French protesters led by slow food activist Jose Bove dismantled a McDonald’s outlet just days before it was due to open, loaded the rubble onto trucks and tractors, drove it through town and dumped it outside the town hall, winning approval from many French eaters. Eric Schlosser’s 2001 best seller Fast Food Nation revealed the company’s sleazy employment, food safety and environmental practices. Two years later McDonald’s experienced its first quarterly loss ever and its stock dropped sharply. In 2004, Morgan Spurlock’s documentary Super Size Mewarned millions of consumers about the health dangers of the Happy Meal diet.

In 2004, McDonald’s hired a new CEO, Jim Skinner, a long time company manager who had started his career flipping burgers, to revitalize the company’s fortunes. His actions helped to turn the company around. In part in response to declining sales, McDonald’s sold off some recent acquisitions. In 2007, it sold Boston Market, a US chain that is a leader in the fast–casual restaurant category, and a year earlier it had dropped its investment in Chipotle Mexican Grill. Also in 2007, the company sold most of its businesses in Latin America to a developmental licensee organization. In 2008, McDonald’s sold its interest in the British–based Pret–A–Manger, a global company that bills itself as a healthy alternative to fast–food outlets. These divestitures helped McDonald’s to refocus on its core business.

Another change was that McDonald’s learned to rapidly modify its menu in response to economic changes. In the current economic downturn, for example, McDonald’s has emphasized value rather than nutrition. Its 2008 US profits came from increased sales on breakfast biscuits (729 calories, 49 gms fat, without syrup or margarine), Southern style chicken sandwiches (419 calories, 19 gms fat) and drinks. The Dollar Menu is an example of a promotion to encourage customers concerned about price to walk through the Golden Arches anyway. As the company website explains, the Dollar Menu provides you with quality menu items at a good value… We understand how important it is to you—especially these days. That’s why you can depend on us to give you value across our entire menu.

In contrast, a year ago, in better times and a more prosperous place, McDonald’s succeeded in increasing market share in Europe by going upscale. In 2007, the company spent more than $828 million to renovate its European outlets, adding healthier items, catering to regional tastes and adding features such as Internet access and rental I Pods. Sales rose 15%. By the end of that year, the chain was serving 10 million customers a day in Europe, contributing 36% to the companies operating income.

Increasingly, McDonald’s depended on other countries for growth and profits. In 2007, revenues in Europe topped those in the United States. Growth was also strong in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. 
In November 2008, for example, just as the economic crisis was spreading, McDonald’s global sales increased 171% more than its US sales. As Mickey D’s brought its signature products to Europe, Asia and the Middle East, it also sought to accommodate local tastes, a process some have labeled glocalization. In India, for example, it took beef off some menus to accommodate Hindus who don’t eat it.

McDonald’s also changed its marketing, responding to critics more forcefully and using more innovative strategies. For example, its Quality Correspondents program, seeks to win over mothers by taking them on tours of its kitchens, highlighting food quality and healthful options. This cadre of volunteer sales moms can enhance the company’s image and help overcome the single largest barrier to more McD’s sales to children: mothers’ health concerns.

In 2006, McDonald’s introduced a campaign to create gyms in its restaurants, adding exercise bikes, basketball hoops and climbing structures. Its ad campaigns featured svelte, active urban parents and children—their idealized patrons, rather than the more typical customers who were often overweight and struggling to make ends meet. While an editorial in PR Weekcongratulated the company for its emphasis on healthy living, critics charged that the focus on physical activity, like the company’s philanthropic contributions to school fitness programs, served to distract public attention from the company’s role in the obesity epidemic.

McDonald’s has also agreed to take voluntary steps to modify its products to improve their nutritional quality. In 2006, under the auspices of the Council of Better Business Bureaus (CBBB) and the National Advertising Review Council (NARC), McD’s joined 9 other major food companies to increase the percentage of healthy foods in advertisements targeting children younger than 12; change the product mix in ads targeted at children, stop advertising their products in elementary schools and stop deals for product placement in TV shows and movies. In 2008, with Burger King and KFC, McDonald’s promised the British Food Standards Agency, to cut the levels of fat and salt in their products and to serve more salad.

At the same time, the company took on its critics more forcefully. Fictititous information irresponsibly published and reported in the media has people questioning the quality and safety of fast food in general, said CEO Skinner. In 2006, according to the Wall Street Journal, McDonald’s hired a public relations firm to counter Eric Schlosser’s charges against the company.

By 2008, these changes—and a declining economy—had helped to turn the company around. The growing sales and healthy profits led financial analysts to be bullish on Mickey D. Goldman Sachs analyst Steven Kron told investors that recent growth in sales and profits temper lingering concerns that a global economic slowdown will impact the company’s results. CEO Skinner saidWorldwide turbulence is barely affecting our business. We are growing worldwide, especially in Europe we have significant gains.

New Vulnerabilities

Despite the optimism on Wall Street and at corporate headquarters, McDonald’s does face some vulnerabilities. Although McDonald’s may be better able to weather the credit squeeze than smaller chains, some analysts see clouds on the horizon. The company plans to build McCafes, specialty coffee bars in its 14,000 US locations, at a cost of $100,000 each. Jonathan Kaufman, chair of McDonald’s national advertising committee, told investors that lenders will definitely be looking at your ratios, your cash flow, your profit and loss, which they always did, but I know they’re going to take a harder look. What will change absolutely is interest rates. To date, 6,500 of the US outlets have installed McCafes. If the remaining franchises have trouble getting credit, they might not be able to join what the company hopes will be a promising profit center that can draw in new customers.

Another threat is the gyrating commodity prices. In the first part of 2008, global food prices rose sharply and in July 2008, McDonald’s warned investors that rising chicken and beef prices might reduce profits. Increases in beef and cheese prices recently led McDonald’s to take the double cheeseburger (468 calories, 26 gms of fat and 1137 mg of sodium) off the Dollar Menu, advising franchises to price it at $1.19. To make up for the loss, the company added a new McDouble Burger made with two all–beef patties and a single slice of cheese—one less than in the chain’s traditional double cheeseburger. This change will save McDonald’s six cents a burger and spare eaters some calories, fat and sodium. In the longer term, rising demand for beef and chicken in emerging markets in Asia, Latin America and elsewhere is likely to lead to further price increases, making it difficult for fast food companies to keep prices down and cost conscious customers in.

And while globalization has contributed to McDonald’s profits, it also raises some risks. In the last decade, Mickey D has become a symbol for the United States and as US power and prestige have declined, that identification can present problems. At a recent demonstration against the Israeli attack on Gaza held in Malaysia, reports Al Jazeera, former Prime Minister Mahatir Mohamed urged those working for McDonald’s and other US companies to quit their jobs. In October 2008, the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chavez ordered more than one hundred McDonald’s restaurants to close down for 48 hours because of alleged tax irregularities. Whether a new adminsitation in Washington will make the US and its products less of a target remains to be seen.

Globalization also offers critics of McDonald’s opportunities to learn from each other and devise global strategies to counter the company. Now that Mickey D has agreed to hold the salt in its British outlets, it can be expected that health advocates and officials in the US and elsewhere will make similar demands. Evidence shows that the salt in processed food is a major contributor to cardiovascular and other diseases.

At a recent meeting of the International Task Force on Obesity in Sydney, Australia, several public health organizations proposed the Sydney Principles to spell out what governments need to do to reverse the epidemics of obesity and diabetes. (See Box 1). With their focus on protecting children from deceptive or manipulative advertising, strong regulation and global standards, these principles could be seen as a threat by McDonald’s and other global chains. Should pressure build for an international treaty to give these principles the force of law, marketing opportunities for children could be constrained, threatening profitability and the important task of recruiting lifetime customers for Happy Meals.

Box 1

The Sydney Principles

    1. SUPPORT THE RIGHTS OF CHILDREN.
      Regulations need to align with and support the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Rome Declaration on World Food Security which endorse the rights of children to adequate, safe and nutritious food.

    1. AFFORD SUBSTANTIAL PROTECTION TO CHILDREN.
      Children are particularly vulnerable to commercial exploitation, and regulations need to be sufficiently powerful to provide them with a high level of protection. Child protection is the responsibility of every section of society – parents, governments, civil society, and the private sector.

    1. BE STATUTORY IN NATURE.
      Only legally–enforceable regulations have sufficient authority to ensure a high level of protection for children from targeted marketing and the negative impact that this has on their diets. Industry self–regulation is not designed to achieve this goal.

    1. TAKE A WIDE DEFINITION OF COMMERCIAL PROMOTIONS.
      Regulations need to encompass all types of commercial targeting of children (e.g. television advertising, print, sponsorships, competitions, loyalty schemes, product placements, relationship marketing, Internet) and be sufficiently flexible to include new marketing methods as they develop.

    1. GUARANTEE COMMERCIAL–FREE CHILDHOOD SETTINGS.
      Regulations need to ensure that childhood settings such as schools, child care, and early childhood education facilities are free from commercial promotions that specifically target children.

    1. INCLUDE CROSS BORDER MEDIA.
      International agreements need to regulate cross–border media such as Internet, satellite and cable television, and free–to–air television broadcast from neighbouring countries.

  1. BE EVALUATED, MONITORED AND ENFORCED.
    The regulations need to be evaluated to ensure the expected effects are achieved, independently monitored to ensure compliance, and fully enforced.

Source: http://www.iotf.org/sydneyprinciples/#TheSydney

More broadly, the tension between globalization, a single brand identity with a relatively homogenous international market, and glocalization, a segmented and diversified market, also presents challenges. Each approach demands a different business model and different marketing strategies. Whether Mickey D’s can straddle that divide remains to be seen. AsNaomi Klein and global justice advocates point out, the power of a global brand is also its Achilles heel. On the other hand, the risk of one hundred local variants is that the global company loses its competitive edge and the potential for economies of scale. In either choice, McDonald’s greatest vulnerability is its image and both global and local strategies offer critics and food advocates tempting targets including health, the environment, labor practices, animal rights, and the company’s disproportionate political influence.

Impact on Health

In the coming years, how McDonald’s responds to the changing economy could set new standards for the fast food industry and therefore for global health. In the worst case scenario, Mickey D and other fast food companies continue to search for the cheapest foods, emphasizing the lower cost and higher profit calorie dense and nutrient poor processed foods at the expense of fruits, vegetables and healthier options. In addition, in this scenario, these companies continue heavy and aggressive marketing, using a mix of low prices and sometimes deceptive health claims to entice customers with stretched budgets and few other options for eating out. As more people fall into poverty, cheap calories will become more attractive, leading to growing rates of obesity and greater disparities in obesity and diabetes between the better off and the poor.

Some nutritionists worry that a continuing recession could worsen this trend, contributing to obesity. In a recent interview, Adam Drewnowski, the director of the Nutrition Sciences Program at the University of Washington in Seattle told Reuters that consumers are going to economize and as they save money on food they will be eating more empty calories or foods high in sugar, saturated fats and refined grains, which are cheaper. He noted that obesity is a toxic result of a failing economic environment and that studies in California suggested that a 10 percent rise in poverty translates into about a 6 percent increase in obesity among adults. Eileen Kennedy, Dean of the Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy at Tufts Universityexplainedthe reality is that when you are income constrained the first area you try to address is having enough calories in your diet. And cheap sources of calories tend to be high in total fats and sugars. Thus, the McDonald’s Dollar Menu offers consumers the dubious bargain of might saving money at the expense of their waistline and health.

On the international front, continued pressure from developed nations to improve their business practices could lead McDonald’s and other companies to move even more aggressively to capture markets in India, China and elsewhere, visiting American–style epidemics of obesity and diabetes on these nations as well.

A more optimistic scenario is that McDonald’s and other fast food companies, governments and local, national and global public health organizations could agree on new ground rules that would require companies to consider the health impact of their practices and reject strategies that were good for business but bad for health. Preliminary assessments of compliance with voluntary agreements do not provide much grounds for optimism. A 2006 review of McDonald’s compliance with its voluntary agreements to restrict marketing to children commissioned by the World Health Organization found thatindustry’s voluntary efforts to self–regulate are inadequate. Our case studies support this conclusion. McDonald’s continues to emphasize marketing of its core products to children. The authors concluded food companies cannot resolve the childhood obesity dilemma on their own. For business reasons alone, they cannot—and will not—stop making and marketing nutritionally questionable food products to children.

This report suggests that the economic crisis has helped McDonald’s to attract new customers with inexpensive products high in calories, fat, sodium and salt; to extend its global reach; and to avoid the criticisms leveled by nutritional and environmental critics. While McDonald’s is by no means the worst offender on these fronts, its size and market share make it an important force and a global pace setter. By developing new ground rules for corporate behavior and new responsibilities for governments to protect health, food advocates can help to prevent the current economic crisis from exacerbating global health crises.

 

Nicholas Freudenberg is Distinguished Professor of Public Health at Hunter College and Founder and Director ofCorporations and Health Watch.

 

Posted January, 2009

Photo Credits:
1. afagen
2. haynes
3. jburgin 

Check out CHW’s profile on McDonald’s from November, 2007, McDonald’s and Children’s Health: The Production of New Customers, and visit the Corporations and Health Watch archives for interviews, profiles, and news on industry influence in science and health.


 

The Financial Crisis and Public Health: Hidden Opportunities for Prevention?

In this commentary, CHW founder and director Nicholas Freudenberg examines how the current financial crisis may influence corporate health practices and asks whether the crisis may present the public health community with new opportunities to advance healthier policies and to restore a more just balance between markets and government.

 

Continue reading The Financial Crisis and Public Health: Hidden Opportunities for Prevention?

New Report on Promotion of Unhealthy Food: Reversing Obesity in New York City

An Action Plan for Reducing the Promotion and Accessibility of Unhealthy Food examines the role of the food industry in promoting unhealthy food and suggests policy directions for reducing its influence. Released by the City University of New York Campaign Against Diabetes and the Public Health Association of New York City, the report argues that increasing access to healthier food and opportunities for physical activity is necessary but not sufficient to reduce obesity, diabetes and related health conditions. Without also reducing the availability and promotion of unhealthy food, government will not be successful in reversing the growing burden of obesity.